Table 1.
Number of Olympiad awards
by school.
School
45
30
239
121
38
Number
52
41
33
31
8
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Despite this favorable report, even among the five best schools
mentioned above, only two managed fully to survive: school No. 121
was soon shut down for political reasons, while school No. 38 was
merged with school No. 30. Yet specialized schools survived this period
and even made certain methodological–curricular advances, which will
be discussed below.
Gorbachev’s perestroika, which began in 1985, revived many hopes
and processes that had characterized the Khrushchev years. Interest in
specialized schools stopped being an exception. Newly fashionable slo-
gans and goals that stressed “acceleration,” “increasing productivity,”
and “attention to the human factor,” aligned well with propaganda
about the achievements of schools with an advanced course of study
in physics and mathematics, while the limited freedom that belonged
to the culture of such schools now had to be permitted in society in
any case. CPSU Central Committee Secretary Yegor Ligachev (1988),
speaking at a plenary meeting of the Central Committee, noted the
achievements of Kolmogorov’s boarding school and called for an
expansion of the system of specialized mathematics schools.
As a result, the number of mathematics classes, for whose reduction
the authors of the report cited above had made a case, began to grow
rapidly. The education authorities were now quite favorably disposed
to their proliferation, and more broadly, the rigid control of previous
years became considerably weaker, not to say disappeared altogether (at
the very least for economic reasons, although, of course, not only for
them). Classes with an advanced course in mathematics were set up in
practically every school (even if simply to prevent the “good children”
from transferring to other schools).
During the Brezhnev years, a gap opened between the level of
preparation in mathematics given in ordinary schools and the level
of preparation that colleges required, and this gap was practically
officially, or at least publicly, recognized. For example, the book of
Chudovsky, Somova, and Zhokhov (1986) frankly states that it will
examine problems “that are rarely encountered in classes in school,”
immediately explaining that these problems “appeared on college
entrance exams” (p. 66). Consequently, many schools simply wanted
to prepare students for entering college, without pursuing any more
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ambitious agenda. But if at one time six hours per week had been
allocated for mathematics in ordinary schools, now a class would
be dubbed a “mathematical class” and seven, eight, or sometimes
even more hours would be allocated for mathematics. To see that
studying mathematics “in depth” could have different meanings was
not always easy.
The author of this chapter actively participated in the professional
development of teachers for newly created specialized classes. The
ramifications of this process were complicated. On the one hand, a
relatively large number of teachers became acquainted with categories
of problems and theoretical topics that were new to them, as well as with
novel methods and methodologies for teaching; some of what had been
created in preceding decades became accessible to and sought after by
a comparatively wide range of teachers, and hence also a comparatively
wide range of students. On the other hand, that which had been done
with dozens of selected students could not be done with thousands.
Naturally, not all teachers who taught the new classes had qualifications
that could compare with the qualifications of the leading teachers from
the old schools. Moreover, there were no such close interactions with
research mathematicians in all of the newly created classes as had existed
in the old schools — nor could there have been.
It should be noted that the processes occurring in society led to
changes in specialized schools that were by no means always positive
(although, of course, the greater openness brought new opportunities
for those who worked in schools). The gradual opening up of the
Soviet Union’s (Russia’s) borders resulted in great numbers of mathe-
maticians leaving the country (completely or partly), and consequently
their ties to schools (including schools from which they had themselves
graduated and with which they had subsequently often actively collabo-
rated) weakened. In general, the appearance of many new opportunities
meant that working with strong students, which had previously been
for many people practically the only acceptable form of public service,
now became only one of many options. Individuals who had worked
as teachers in mathematics schools were often those who, for various
reasons, had been unable to find positions in universities or scientific
research institutes (which, for example, were reluctant to hire Jews).
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Now, places that had once been closed finally opened. More broadly, if
in the past studying mathematics and physics, which as a rule were less
ideology-laden than other fields, had attracted many students already
for this reason alone, now new fields had become the most popular.
And yet the changes taking place in society made it possible during
those years to open several new schools, which attracted and continue
to attract strong students and which spearheaded new methodological
approaches. During those years, new centers of mathematics education
appeared, which were in great measure connected with specialized
schools (most importantly, the Moscow Center of Continuing Edu-
cation). Advances, first and foremost in methodological materials,
including problems developed in schools with an advanced course
of study in mathematics, became more accessible and widespread, if
only because it became easier to publish (although the system of book
distribution deteriorated considerably, so that books could often be
found only by those who diligently sought them out, and even then,
not always).
The most recent decade in the history of specialized schools is
still too close for us to analyze objectively. Putin’s Russia nominally
unequivocally supports specialized schools; at least, it is easy to recall
that when Russian president Dmitry Medvedev inaugurated the “year
of education,” he chose to visit one of the most famous physics–
mathematics schools in the country (school No. 239). The future
will reveal how the flourishing of specialized schools (even leading
ones) will harmonize with reduced attention given to mathematics
education in ordinary schools — a phenomenon that is much talked
about, for example, in connection with the financial reform of the entire
education system that has been enacted in recent years. Khrushchev,
too, had the idea of giving a serious education in the higher grades only
to talented students, but at that time there were far more resources
(human, organizational, psychological, and even, apparently, financial)
for education in lower grades, in which talent could manifest itself. Nor
is it entirely clear how exactly talent will be identified.
Yet one thing is certain: Russian mathematics schools have already
existed for more than a half-century. They have exerted a noticeable
influence on education both within the country and abroad. They
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have produced important models for the organization of education
and concrete methodological and instructional materials. It is to them
that we will now turn.
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