Schools with an Advanced Course in Mathematics and Humanities
271
and others. This is a delusion, this is wrong. What is most important —
precisely in our age, the age of cybernetics, automation, computing
machines — is not theory, but practice. (p. 803)
In saying this, Khrushchev cited the prominent mathematician
M. A. Lavrentiev, who had been invited to the meeting, remarking
that school education was overloaded with useless information.
Students spend 11 years sitting in schools and still come out as idiots,
because if you’re born that way, school won’t give you more brains.
And I agree with Comrade Lavrentiev: talents are born, one really
has to be born a mathematician. (p. 804)
Khrushchev went on:
Therefore, I believe that there must be a selection of mathematicians
and that they must be educated from childhood. (p. 804)
Khrushchev saw no difficulty with stimulating and identifying
talent: “If their genius hasn’t blossomed now, it’ll blossom when
they’re dying” (p. 804). Consequently, the education of the talented
was conceived against the background of a reduction in general
education: for the untalented, an eight-year school would suffice. In
Khrushchev’s speeches, one can detect inner doubts about the value of
education, and even when he points out that not everyone can be sent
to work in factories and uses Lenin as an example [“Take Lenin. What
are you going to do — send Lenin to work in a factory, too? Lenin, a
genius, who is born once in a century? That’s not right” (p. 814)], he
still cannot refrain from remarking: “
. . . and yet I think that even Lenin,
if he had not graduated from a gymnasium but had gone to work in
a factory — he would have still been Lenin” (p. 814). Nonetheless,
Khrushchev was able to suppress these feelings and support special
education for the gifted.
Clearly, Khrushchev also had other considerations. If Stalin system-
atically shook up the party elite, making those who resided in party
palaces one day move into prisons the next, and making their children
leave Moscow’s top schools for special orphanages for children of ene-
mies of the people, then Khrushchev by and large abandoned such prac-
tices. This did not mean, however, that he was not frightened by the
March 9, 2011
15:3
9in x 6in
Russian Mathematics Education: Programs and Practices
b1073-ch07
272
Russian Mathematics Education: Programs and Practices
formation and development of a new class of the Soviet nomenklatura,
and by the fact that the Soviet bureaucracy largely replenished its ranks
by taking in the children of Soviet bureaucrats. Yegor Gaidar (1997),
who became Acting Prime Minister under Yeltsin, and who had himself
previously belonged to the Soviet nomenklatura by birth (even if not
to its upper echelons), much later expressed the view that one of the
reasons for the nomenklatura’s dissatisfaction with the regime was that
it was impossible to transfer positions by inheritance (pp. 120–121).
Khrushchev recognized this desire for hereditary possession: “Let’s take
the lists of college graduates and see whose children they are” (p. 813).
It turned out that the individuals who attended colleges, and who then
entered the governing bureaucracy, were children of senior officials.
Comrades, I think that among those of our children who received
a higher education, at least 50% would not get into colleges. And I
think that this would be a very good thing…there must be selection
in life; he who wants to learn — he must show it with his persistence
and labor…. (p. 814)
The transition to an eight-year education system was supposed to
serve as a means for the creation of such selection. Under such circum-
stances, schools for the talented automatically became an alternative
resource for replenishing the ranks of the country’s upper classes (even
if, possibly, not its uppermost class).
The model being created was clearly not without flaws. Khrushchev
himself remarked that everyone tends to consider their children and
grandchildren geniuses, and that it would be natural to fear that
schools for the talented would become filled with the same children
and grandchildren of senior officials. Experience showed, however, that
this did not happen (at least, not then), possibly because by no means
were all children of senior officials prepared to burden themselves
with seriously studying mathematics. The strike that Khrushchev was
planning obviously distressed the nomenklatura. At least, the transcript
of a meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee from October
13, 1964, during which Khrushchev was removed from power, opens
with a list of questions for Khrushchev, the first of which is a question
about eight-year schools (p. 862).
March 9, 2011
15:3
9in x 6in
Russian Mathematics Education: Programs and Practices
b1073-ch07
Schools with an Advanced Course in Mathematics and Humanities
273
In 1963, physics–mathematics boarding schools appeared under the
aegis of the leading universities. The first four opened in Moscow
(probably the most famous of them is the Kolmogorov boarding
school), Leningrad, Novosibirsk, and Kiev. In June 1964, the Ministry
of Higher Education of the USSR passed a resolution concerning
specialized boarding schools (Kolmogorov, Vavilov, and Tropin, 1981,
p. 60). Subsequently, similar boarding schools (although with different
characteristics) began to open in other Soviet cities with universities,
first and foremost in capitals of republics.
The idea, which was supported by the leading mathematicians in the
country, beginning with Andrey Kolmogorov and M. A. Lavrentiev,
and picked up by broad sectors of the mathematical community, was
to create opportunities for genuine and deep mathematics education
for students from communities that were far removed from the Soviet
Union’s scientific centers. B. V. Gnedenko recalled that in numerous
conversations with him:
A. N. Kolmogorov repeatedly expressed the thought that very many
mathematically talented students in villages and rural communities
remain beyond the reach of the mathematics community, that it is
impossible to organize mathematics circles and special groups for
obtaining additional mathematical knowledge in all rural secondary
schools, that it is impossible to supply such schools with qualified
teachers who themselves participate in developing mathematical
science. (Kolmogorov et al., 1981, pp. 4–5)
The boarding schools were supposed to help solve this problem;
in addition, they were supposed to help find and promote capable
people from the provinces — people who would, incidentally, have no
connections with the Moscow nomenklatura, since the newly created
boarding schools were intended to refrain from accepting students
from the cities in which they were located (this rule was sometimes
slightly infringed, say, in Leningrad, but not, as far as can be judged,
in Moscow).
The first period in the history of schools with an advanced course
in mathematics was the most important; later, teachers who worked
in these schools recalled this period as their glory days — it was
then that the basic traditions were established, including the tradition
March 9, 2011
15:3
9in x 6in
Russian Mathematics Education: Programs and Practices
b1073-ch07
274
Russian Mathematics Education: Programs and Practices
of continuous interaction with research mathematicians (Sossinsky,
2010); it was then that the curricula and first didactic materials were
created (all of this discussed below). It was then that specialized schools
became known outside the country, exerting an influence on many
other countries (Vogeli, 1968, 1997). A community of graduates from
mathematics schools arose, which later played a very important role in
the lives of these schools. “This was a territory of freedom,” recalled the
already-cited Vladimir Dubrovsky (2005), who was himself a graduate
of Kolmogorov’s boarding school. However, freedom, even highly
limited freedom, soon came to an end.
Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: |