3
Mathematics Schools During the Period
of Stagnation and Later
Relatively soon after Khrushchev was overthrown, a period began
in Soviet history that subsequently became known as the period of
stagnation. A milestone was the invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968.
This event was followed by a quarter of a century — much of it spent
under the rule of Leonid Brezhnev — during which all manifestations
of liberalism, in both politics and economics, were increasingly stifled.
The position of the mathematics schools was contradictory. On
the one hand, Brezhnev was engaged in the arms race and fighting
for parity — as it was called — with the United States; to this end,
it was necessary to prepare qualified workers. The party and Soviet
nomenklatura, which during the Brezhnev years achieved the most
comfortable position it had ever known, in principle favored special
privileges for itself in virtually all fields; there were special stores for
senior officials, special sanatoria, even special factory shops, and the
like. In education, the role of such special institutions was played largely
by schools with advanced courses in a foreign language; schools with
an advanced course of study in mathematics invariably remained too
difficult. Nonetheless, they, too, had sponsors among top government
officials.
On the other hand, mathematics schools inevitably became hotbeds
of independence, which top government officials found intolerable.
Capable and confident students, who were above all encouraged to
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think, doubt, and ask questions, would begin to conduct themselves
in the same way even in classes not devoted to physics or mathematics;
this, naturally, could not be tolerated, even if it did not lead to any
direct political actions (although the students of Leningrad’s school
No. 121 even distributed flyers). A teacher from a mathematics school
who was interviewed by us related how he was regularly summoned by
the Soviet political police (KGB) and questioned about the sentiments
of the students (Karp, 2010b).
One may suppose that deeper feelings were also involved: the
great 19th century Russian poet Nekrasov famously wrote about
Lomonosov that “by his own will and by God’s will, he became
intelligent and great.” The very possibility, assumed and encouraged
in schools specializing in mathematics, of becoming great “by one’s
own will and by God’s will” could not but provoke irritation within
the rigidly organized system of the Soviet state.
Fields Medal winner Sergey Novikov (1996) wrote that “it is no
secret that…the powers that be, often not without reason, found a
spirit of dissent within the student population of special schools,”
which they attributed to “international imperialism and Zionism”
(p. 34). Sossinsky (2010) describes how the fight against this malignant
spirit was waged in practice. Elsewhere, he points out that during the
1970s “[the Kolmogorov boarding school] turned more and more into
something like preparatory courses for students from the provinces,
with the social background of the students playing a greater and greater
role in their acceptance of the school, and their actual aptitude for
science playing a lesser and lesser role” (Sossinsky, 1989). Ideally, the
government wanted to continue obtaining the professional workers
that it needed, but ones who would not — to use the colloquial
expression — stick their noses where they did not belong.
This period has been described in other studies (Donoghue, Karp,
and Vogeli, 2000; Karp, 2005). Here, we will confine ourselves to
briefly analyzing one unpublished document, which can shed light on
the official argumentation of the different sides as well as the situation
as a whole.
In early 1974, the Minister of Education issued a special decree
(No. 52), which indicated the strong and weak sides of schools with an
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Russian Mathematics Education: Programs and Practices
advanced course in physics and mathematics (PhMSh). The decision
was made to analyze the performance of such schools at the local
level, and specifically in Leningrad, with a view of possibly shutting
them down (just as school No. 121, mentioned above, was shut
down). The party regional committee established a special commission.
However, the very fact that it was headed not only by the director of
the Institute of Teachers’ Continuing Education but also by the well-
known Leningrad geometrician V. A. Zalgaller, who had worked a
great deal with students of specialized schools, indicated a favorable
disposition by the regional committee. The commission investigated
four Leningrad schools (Nos. 30, 139, 239, 470) and concluded
that their work as a whole was successful. In particular, the following
achievements were mentioned:
2. The best…PhMShs have eschewed the temptations of “parents’
competition” and “narrow specialization.” Their student bodies
have good social compositions; they carry out instruction without
weakening the nonprofile subjects….
The PhMShs have become a significant part of the sys-
tem for preparing specialists with a physics–mathematics pro-
file…. In the physics and mathematics–mechanics departments
of Leningrad State University, PhMSh graduates constitute one
third of incoming classes, and during the years of study only
5% of them drop out, while 40%–50% of accepted graduates
from other schools drop out during the years of study at the
university.
3. The PhMShs have played and continue to play a crucial role
in providing professional workers for the stock of computing
machines….
4. The PhMShs improve the social composition of the community
of specialists, opening a real path toward acquiring a specialty for
children of working and peasant families. (Children from such
families constitute 31% of students who were accepted at the
university through the PhMShs, and 39% of students who were
accepted through ordinary schools, but only 5% of those who
went through the PhMShs drop out during the years of study at
the university, while of those who went through ordinary schools,
up to 60% drop out.)
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5. PhMSh graduates…constitute the active core of the Komsomol,
of student building groups; they begin engaging in scientific work
earlier…they represent the majority of students who graduate with
honors, of students accepted to graduate school. (Thus, in the
graduating class of the mathematics–mechanics department in fall
1974, PhMSh graduates constituted 60% of students majoring in
departments with an extended course of study, 64% of students
graduating with honors, and 100% of students not from other
cities who were accepted to graduate school). (LenGorONO,
1974, p. 59)
Shortcomings of the system were also noted. Most of them,
however, were connected with the number of specialized mathematics
classes (there were 56 graduating specialized classes in all, i.e. about
1500 graduating students), which was deemed excessive for Leningrad.
In particular, it was pointed out that it would be more useful to
organize entire schools with only specialized higher grades (such as
Nos. 30, 38, 239, and 45, the boarding school at Leningrad State
University), perhaps with the addition of eighth grades following the
usual curriculum, rather than setting up separate specialized classes
in ordinary schools. It was demonstrated that test results from schools
Nos. 30 and 239 were significantly higher than test results from schools
Nos. 139 and 470. The awards received by students in mathematics
and physics Olympiads were counted for all classes. Awards for the
leading schools are indicated in the table below; the other schools did
not exceed three awards (p. 61).
Interestingly, the same report deliberately noted that it would be
desirable for at least one deputy head of the city school board to be
familiar with the curriculum in mathematics and science — a comment
that revealed displeasure over the policies of city school board officials,
who were obviously opposed to the specialized schools.
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