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Roots of banking sector underdevelopment: Further



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Roots of banking sector underdevelopment: Further 
peculiarities of the Uzbek experience
This section discusses the roots of the problems at the micro level 
using grass-roots-level information gathered through interviews 
Table 6
Stock of International Reserves and the Trade Balance (million U.S. 
dollars)
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
Exports
2,935
2,740
2,510
3,240
4,263
4,757
5,615
Imports
2,441
2,554
2,186
2,405
3,061
3,310
3,614
Trade balance 
494
186
324
835
1,202
1,447
2,001
Stock of
international
currency reserves 
excluding gold
684
1,212
1,215
1,659
2,146
2,895
4,665
Source:
European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 
Transition Report
(2005, 2007).


jUNE 2009 23
conducted by one of the authors during a fieldtrip to Uzbekistan 
in September–December 2004. The data were collected through 
face-to-face interviews with twenty-one senior bank officials from 
various banks.
8
In order to understand the true nature of the prob-
lems, which are central to the explanation of the lack of confidence 
in banks in Uzbekistan, a number of important characteristics of the 
nature of banking under central planning need to be remembered. 
First, as previously mentioned, under central planning, banks con-
trolled enterprises’ financial flows, monitored their performance, 
and supplied all necessary information to the authorities.
Another peculiarity of the monobank system, which is of par-
ticular importance for this discussion, is the distinction between 
cash money and noncash money, each of which has its own char-
acteristics and peculiarities. The term “cash money” implied cur-
rency outside the banking sector such as coins and notes, while 
the term “noncash money” referred to bank deposits (Garvy, 1977; 
Zwass, 1979). Cash money and noncash money were not freely 
interchangeable. By law, enterprises and organizations in their 
everyday economic activities were required to use exclusively 
noncash money, which was kept in their single current accounts 
in banks. The scope for the use of noncash money was limited to 
organized markets where enterprises exchanged goods and services 
with each other in accordance with the production plans. Noncash 
money was exchanged for cash money only through payroll with-
drawals, and sundry transfer payments such as pensions and social 
security benefits to the household sector. Since noncash money 
was designed to follow passively the flow of goods and services 
stipulated in material plans, extra noncash money balances, not 
envisaged in material plans, did not have any purchasing power of 
their own. That is, noncash money was not freely convertible into 
goods and services. This, combined with fixed prices, implied that 
excess noncash money holdings of enterprises would not have any 
inflationary effect (Zwass, 1979, p. 10).
Households received money wages in cash money for their labor 
contributions. Unlike enterprises and organizations, households 
could freely decide how to spend their earnings once their wages 
were paid. Households could, for example, buy sundry consump-


24 PROBLEMS OF ECONOMIC TRANSITION
tion goods from retail trade and commercial organizations in the 
organized sector. They could also deposit part of their earnings in 
the savings bank. When cash money was hoarded or used in the 
nonorganized market, it would create a potential threat to the sta-
bility of prices in nonorganized markets. To prevent any potential 
inflationary effects of the cash money supply in circulation the spe-
cial mechanism called a “cash plan” was developed. The cash plan 
involved drawing up plans for the supply of cash money in circula-
tion. Enterprises, trusts, and supervisory ministries were involved in 
the process of planning the cash money circuit. Enterprises would 
submit applications to a relevant Gosbank branch, indicating their 
cash money proceeds as well as their cash money spendings. Next 
these plans would be passed to the regional offices of Gosbank, 
which in turn would check whether these plans were in conformity 
with material production plans. Under the rules of the cash plan, 
retail trade organizations were allowed to keep in their vaults only 
a minimum necessary amount of cash money needed for their 
day-to-day activities. The rest of the cash money proceeds would 
have to be placed in their bank accounts on a daily basis, meaning 
automatic conversion of cash money into noncash money.
Interestingly, Uzbekistan has still not completely abandoned 
some of these old-style monetary management techniques. Under 
the current banking regulations, banks are still obliged to control 
timely payment of taxes to the state budget by the enterprises.
9
Banks must withhold any outstanding amount of tax payments 
owed by the enterprises to the budget. In so doing, banks do not 
need to get prior permission from the account holders. The function 
of collecting data on the enterprise activities is also included in the 
banking regulations.
10
Banks collect information on their clients’ 
financial transactions and report them to the tax authorities and all 
other relevant local and central government bodies. This practice 
is also evidenced by the findings of the International Finance 
Corporation’s (IFC) 2004 survey of the business environment in 
Uzbekistan. According to this survey, in which 1,500 independent 
entrepreneurs, micro, small, and medium businesses participated, 
more than 50 percent of the questionnaire respondents said that 
banks (a) disclose information on accounts of enterprises to outside 


jUNE 2009 25
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