E N D N O T E S
1
For more on the influence of the standard false
‐
belief task and the rationale that much of folk psychology depends on
belief attribution, see Spaulding (2018, Ch. 3).
2
Buckwalter et al. (2015) convincingly argue that knowledge entails thin belief. If this is right, then explaining and predicting
an agent's behavior by attributing to her knowledge that X implies that she thinly believes that X. However, again, one may
fail to cite the thin belief if it is uninformative given the knowledge attribution.
3
See Spaulding (2017b) for further argument for this conclusion.
4
McGeer (2007) offers a very similar though less developed account of
regulative folk psychology
. According to this view, we
regularly attribute to ourselves and to others beliefs, emotions, traits, etc. but the function of such attributions is to reg-
ulate our own and others' behavior, not to explain and predict behavior as traditional mindreading accounts suggest.
McGeer's view focuses on the normative aspects of folk psychology. In that sense, it is very much aligned with Knobe's
(2010) account of folk psychology, which holds that folk psychology is deeply intertwined with moralizing.
5
Indeed, in other work, Westra (2017c) explicitly argues against two
‐
systems accounts of mindreading.
6
One might wonder what really distinguishes social cognition from other ways of interacting on my view. We have many
non
‐
cognitive tools for explaining, predicting, categorizing, rationalizing, condemning, and manipulating others, after all.
Big data algorithms, demographic surveys, laws, corporate policies, social norms, threats, and incentives can be employed
to explain, predict, categorize, etc. The tools I refer to here (e.g., stereotyping, projection, inferences about agents'
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SPAULDING
character traits and mental states, all of which Model Theory aims to capture) are
social cognitive
tools in the sense that an
individual agent employs these tools in thinking about the mind and behavior of other individuals and groups. Thanks to a
reviewer for pushing me to clarify the distinction between non
‐
cognitive and social cognitive tools.
7
See Spaulding (2018, p. Ch. 6) for a more detailed analysis of the application to epistemic injustice and peer disagreement.
8
Ballantyne (2015) argues that our methods for attributing bias are themselves makeshift and biased, which indicates
that debunking dissenting testimony is not a reliable method for responding to peer disagreement, which he takes to be
evidence in favor of the conciliation view.
9
See Spaulding (2018), Chapters 6 and 7, for more on this topic.
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