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dropouts) were incarcerated. By 2000, 10 percent of black men (and 21 percent of black high
school dropouts) were incarcerated.
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A large body of academic research examines wage and employment trends for African-
Americans. One strand emphasizes impacts of government programs, such as the Social
Security disability program or the minimum wage, in driving black men out of the labor
market. Another analyzes whether the decline in the real wage of low-skill workers
discouraged low-skill black men from entering the labor market. A third examines whether
black incarceration rates were shaped by the crack epidemic of the 1980s.
Remarkably, there is little work on the link between immigration and the employment and
incarceration of black men. Immigration has disproportionately increased the number of low-
skill workers in the United States, but, as I have mentioned, there is disagreement over
whether this influx has adversely affected competing native workers. The conflicting
evidence hinges crucially on the nature of the empirical exercise: studies that measure the
impact of immigration by looking at wage trends across local labor markets tend to find
small effects, while studies that examine the evolution of the national wage structure find
large effects. Regardless of the geographic unit used to analyze the impact of immigration,
any such impact would presumably be larger in the black workforce. (In fact, some of the
early studies in this literature specifically attempted to measure the impact of immigration on
black wages.)
In our research, we examine the relation between immigration and black employment
outcomes. Our empirical analysis shows that immigration has indeed lowered the wage of
blacks. Our main interest, however, is on the consequences of this reduction in market wages.
In particular, has the immigration-induced reduction in the black wage encouraged some
black men to exit the labor force and shift to crime?
Using data drawn from the 1960–2000 U.S. Censuses, we find a strong correlation between
immigration and wages, employment rates, and incarceration rates for blacks. Our study
suggests that a 10 percent immigrant-induced increase in the supply of a skill group is
associated with a reduction in the black wage of 4.0 percent, a reduction in the black
employment rate of 3.5 percentage points, and an increase in the black institutionalization
rate of 0.8 percentage points. Among white men, the same increase in supply reduces the
wage by 4.1 percent, but has much weaker employment and incarceration effects: a 1.6
percentage point reduction in the employment rate and a 0.1 percentage point increase in the
incarceration rate. These correlations are found in both national and state-level data.
What do these estimates imply about the cumulative effect of recent immigration on African-
American men?
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Ignoring the prevalence of incarceration rates provides a very misleading picture of
employment trends in the black population.
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