206
PA R T I I I
Financial Institutions
The agency problems went even deeper. Commercial and investment banks,
which were earning large fees by underwriting mortgage-backed securities and
structured credit products like CDOs, also had weak incentives to make sure that
the ultimate holders of the securities would be paid off. The credit rating agencies
that were evaluating these securities also were subject to conflicts of interest: they
were earning fees from rating them
and
from advising clients on how to structure
the securities to get the highest ratings. The integrity of these ratings was thus more
likely to be compromised.
Although financial engineering has the potential to create products and services
that better match investors risk appetites, it also has a dark side. Structured prod-
ucts like CDOs, CDO2s, and CDO3s can get so complicated that it can be hard to
value the cash flows of the underlying assets for a security or to determine who
actually owns these assets. Indeed, in a speech in October 2007, Ben Bernanke,
the Chairman of the Federal Reserve, joked that he would like to know what
those damn things are worth. In other words, the increased complexity of struc-
tured products can actually destroy information, thereby making asymmetric infor-
mation worse in the financial system and increasing the severity of adverse
selection and moral hazard problems.
As housing prices rose and profitability for mortgage originators and lenders was
high, the underwriting standards for subprime mortgages fell to lower and lower
standards. Riskier borrowers were able to obtain mortgages, and the amount of the
mortgage relative to the value of the house, the loan-to-value ratio (LTV), rose.
Borrowers were often able to get piggyback, second, and third mortgages on top
of their original 80% LTV mortgage, so that they had to put almost no money down
on their houses. When asset prices rise too far out of line with fundamentals, how-
ever, they must come down, and eventually the housing-price bubble burst. With
housing prices falling after their peak in 2006, the rot in the U.S. financial system
began to be revealed. The decline in housing prices led to many subprime bor-
rowers finding that their mortgages were underwater, that is, the value of the
house fell below the amount of the mortgage. When this happened, struggling
homeowners had tremendous incentives to walk away from their homes and just
send the keys back to the lender. Defaults on mortgages shot up sharply, eventu-
ally leading to over 1 million mortgages in foreclosure.
Although the problem originated in the United States, the wake-up call came from
Canada and Europe, a sign of how extensive the globalization of financial markets
had become. After Fitch and Standard & Poor s announced ratings downgrades on
mortgage-backed securities and CDOs totalling more than $10 billion, the asset-
based commercial paper market seized up and a French investment house, BNP
Paribas, suspended redemption of shares held in some of its money market funds
on August 7, 2008. Despite huge injections of liquidity into the financial system by
the European Central Bank and the Federal Reserve, banks began to hoard cash
and were unwilling to lend to each other. As can be seen in Figure 9-2, the U.S.
Treasury bill-to-Eurodollar rate (TED) spread, a good measure of liquidity in the
interbank market, shot up from an average of 40 basis points (0.40 percentage
points) during the first half of 2007 to a peak of 240 by August 20, 2007. The dry-
ing up of credit led to the first major bank failure in the United Kingdom in over
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