Abu Ghraib's Abuses and T o r t u r e s 377
insurgents. They are not immune to lying to cover their tracks. However, most ex-
perts on torture and on police interrogations agree that such physical abuse com-
mitted with humiliating and degrading tactics rarely yields trustworthy evidence.
You get confessions and admissions by building rapport not by bullying, by earn-
ing trust not by fostering hatred.
We have seen earlier the negative reactions of some of the soldiers who
participated in these military interrogations. Too many innocents were detained
who had no useful information to offer; too few trained interrogators, fewer
trained translators, and too great a demand from top down to get information
immediately—no questions asked. Political scientist and torture expert Darius
Rejali has gone on record doubting the reliability of such interrogation proce-
dures used throughout military bases in Iraq, Gitmo, and Afghanistan. He con-
tends there is a consensus that people will say anything under conditions of
physical coercion. You will find statements to this effect from official U.S. govern-
ment documents, including the U.S. Army Field Manual for Interrogation (FM
3 0 - 1 5 ) , the CIA Kubark Manual ( 1 9 6 3 ) , and the Human Resources Exploitation
Manual ( 1 9 8 5 ) . In one of his essays on
Salon.com
, Rejali asserts that torture may
have a dark allure, giving the interrogator a druglike rush while immersed in the
process, but leaving a legacy of destruction that takes generations to u n d o .
6 8
F I N A L N O T E S
In the next chapter, we will move from our focus on individual soldiers caught up
in an inhuman behavioral setting to consider the role that the System played in
creating the conditions that fostered the abuses and tortures at Abu Ghraib and in
many other military prisons. There we will examine the complexities of systemic
influences that operated to create and sustain a "culture of abuse." First, we will
review highlights of the many independent military investigations into these
abuses. That will allow us to measure the extent to which those investigations im-
plicate System variables, such as leadership failures, little or no mission specific
training, inadequate resources, and interrogation-confession priorities, as major
contributors to what occurred on that night shift in Abu Ghraib. Then we will ex-
amine reports from Human Rights Watch of other comparable—and some even
worse—abuses reported by officers in the Army's elite 8 2 n d Airborne Division in
Iraq. We will broaden our search to investigate the ways in which military and
government chains of command created similar situations in other military pris-
ons to facilitate their "war on terrorism" and "war on insurgency." We will do so
with the help of interviews and analyses reported in a PBS Frontline documen-
tary, "A Question of Torture" (October 1 8 , 2 0 0 5 ) , which details the role of the
Bush administration and the military's chain of command in first sanctioning
such torture in Guantanamo Bay Prison and then transporting it to Abu Ghraib
and beyond.
I will shift roles from behavioral scientist turned pyschological investigative
378
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