The Lucifer Effect
death, on people by following cold rationality for achieving the goals of their ide-
ology, a master plan, a cost-benefit equation, or the bottom line of profit. Under
those circumstances, their ends always justify efficient means.
I N V E S T I G A T I O N S O F A B U G H R A I B
A B U S E S E X P O S E S Y S T E M FAULTS
In response to numerous reports of abuse, not only at Abu Ghraib but also at mili-
tary prisons throughout Iraq, Afghanistan, and Cuba, the Pentagon has con-
ducted at least a dozen official investigations. I closely reviewed half of them in
preparation for my role in the defense of Sergeant Ivan Frederick. In this section,
I will outline chronologically some of those key reports and highlight their con-
clusions with exact quotes from them. Doing so will give us a sense of how high-
ranking officers and government officials evaluated the causes of torture and
abuse. Because all but one of these investigations were ordered by the military
with specific instructions to focus on perpetrators, most of them failed to indict
military and political leaders for their roles in creating conditions conducive to
these abuses. The only exception was the Schlesinger Report, ordered by Secre-
tary Rumsfeld.
By looking down rather than up the chain of command, these reports are
limited in scope and neither as independent nor as nonpartisan as one would
wish. However, they provide us with a starting point in our case against the mili-
tary and administration chains of command that we will then supplement with
additional media and agency reports complemented by firsthand testimonies of
soldiers involved in torture. (For a full chronology of the Abu Ghraib abuses and
investigative reports, please see the website in the Notes.
4
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The Ryder Report W a s the First to Send Up Warning Signals
The Army's chief law enforcement officer, Provost Marshal Donald Ryder, a major
general, prepared the first report (November 6, 2 0 0 3 ) by order of General
Sanchez. Ryder was appointed in August to head an assessment team, as re-
quested by the Army criminal investigation unit. That unit is identified as CJTF-7—
Combined Joint Task Force 7, a multiservice and Department of Defense (DoD)
task force that included Army, Navy, Marine Corps, Air Force, and DoD civilian
staff.
This document reviewed the entire prison system in Iraq and recommended
ways to improve it. At the end, Ryder concluded that there had been serious
human rights violations, as well as training and manpower inadequacies that
were "system-wide." His report also raised concerns about the fuzzy boundaries
between the MPs, who were supposed only to guard prisoners, and the military
intelligence (MI) teams assigned to interrogate prisoners. It noted that the Mis
tried to enlist the MPs to engage in activities that would "prepare" detainees for
interrogation.
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