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BESHIMOV, SHOZIMOV, BAKHADYROV
the country. Not all of these all menial workers. In Kyrgyzstan’s south and the
Ferghana Valley in particular, three-fifths of those leaving to seek work elsewhere
are skilled workers—for example, engineers, doctors, professors and teachers.
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Internal migration within the valley also has grown, as when large numbers of
seasonal workers leave Tajikistan for Kyrgyzstan, where it is easier to find land to
farm and where taxes are lower. Such conditions have turned male workers into
objects to be bought and sold like commodities, and have contributed to growing
trafficking in women along the regional borders.
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The issue of enclaves, which is a constant source of tension among states, also
remains unresolved. The Uzbek territories of Shakhimardan, Sokh, and Kalakh
Dzhangayl are located in the Batken region of Kyrgyzstan. The Kyrgyz enclave
of Barak and the Tajik enclave of Sarvak are located in Uzbekistan’s Ferghana
province. There are also two Tajik enclaves in the Batken region, Vorukh and Za-
padnaia Kolacha. The three states all seek secure borders, and seek international
assistance in creating them, but they must somehow also establish “borders with
a human face.” Progress on this issue would constitute an important step on the
path to regional cooperation.
In terms of geography, economics, and culture, the Ferghana Valley is a single
entity, but during the last two decades it has been fragmented into three parts. In
spite of the growing differences among them, they share the reality of having be-
come problematic zones for all three states. The Uzbek part of the valley keeps the
central government at high alert, lest new manifestations of extremism appear there.
Tajikistan’s Ferghana province of Sughd is still very uncomfortable over having
been excluded from power after almost a century of dominance. The Kyrgyz part of
the valley helped bring about regime change in Kyrgyzstan in 2005 and produced
a national president in the person of Kurmanbek Bakiyev. But in most respects his
rule was disastrous, and the fate of the Kyrgyz part of Ferghana remains altogether
unclear as of this writing.
During the twenty years from 1989 to 2009, some twenty dangerous conflicts
took place in the Ferghana Valley. Indeed, tensions remain high there today. While
the population’s traditional conservatism and its capacity
to endure prolonged
socio-economic and political crises serve as a deterrent for violent conflicts, such
patience is not unlimited.
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