ISLAM IN THE FERGHANA VALLEY 333
a local founder of HT. Yo’ldoshev joined HT in 1991 after reading al-Nabhani’s
Nizam al-Islam
. For his part Kosimov was attracted by Yo’ldoshev’s speaking
abilities, his ability to lead provincial intellectuals, and his businesslike handling
of local party funds.
123
After more than a year, Yo’ldoshev withdrew from HT in 1995 and founded
his own group along lines similar to HT. From the outset Yo’ldoshev focused on
business, engaging in cross-border trade and establishing small and medium-sized
enterprises, including a network of bakeries that became well known in Andijan.
Small businesses became
the kernel of the organization, offering lessons for
members on the basis of Yo’ldoshev’s work. Part of the income went to a general
fund (
umumy jamgharma/bayt al-mal) that provided aid to needy members and
recruits. Appeals to the egalitarianism of the first Muslims gained Akromiya many
followers, even though former members report that this principle existed more in
rhetoric than reality.
Information turned up in official investigations confirms that money from the
general fund regularly went to bribe law-enforcement officials and prison guards.
124
A few months before the May 13, 2005 armed uprising in Andijan, the general
fund purchased more than fifty firearms and transported them to Andijan for use
by those planning the attack.
125
Another branch of Akromiya was Ijody Khalqa (the
Creative Group), which organized classes on the works of Yo’ldoshev.
The government of Uzbekistan issued warnings to Yo’ldoshev that Akromiya’s
activities were illegal, but Akromiya’s only response was to go underground, in
1997. That year Yo’ldoshev was sentenced to two and a half years but was released
early as part of an amnesty; he was reconvicted in 1999. However, its leader’s arrest
did not slow the activities of Akromiya.
Initially, Yo’ldoshev found it acceptable to pray only twice a day (as in the earliest
Muslim community) instead of five times, and to pass over other commandments
imposed after the death of the Prophet.
126
In his
Yimonga Yul (The Path to Faith) he
proposed that since God had sent the Qur’an over a period of twenty-three years,
the first Muslim community only gradually could study Islam. Modern societies
therefore need not hurry in mastering the Holy Book. Yo’ldoshev was well aware
that religious scholars in Uzbekistan and the region, as well as ordinary believers,
staunchly opposed such notions.
127
However, Wahhabi literature published prior to
the Andijan tragedy indicates that they, too, opposed Akromiya’s ideas. Yo’ldoshev’s
plan for overcoming the schism was vague, consisting mainly of arguments against
“logical reasoning” on issues of dogma.
Akromiya’s inability to shape traditional religious
arguments reinforced the
conflict between the group and the government and with the main body of Mus-
lims. This condition of “conflict with everyone” further isolated Akromiya and
contributed to its further radicalization.
This trend was evident in two commentaries that Yo’ldoshev wrote on the
Qur’anic Sura “Al-Saff,” the first of which he penned in late March 2005, the sec-
ond in late April. Both, it should be stressed, preceded Akromiya’s May 13 armed
334
BABADJANOV, MALIKOV, NAZAROV
assaults in Andijan. In his commentary, reinforced by further Qur’anic citations,
Yo’ldoshev called directly for jihad, which he interprets purely in terms of armed
action.
128
For security reasons Yo’ldoshev at first shared his political objectives only
with a small group of Akromiya members, and even then only gradually. His notion
of the caliphate, for example, was largely an abstraction,
129
and in
Yimonga Yul even
jihad was somewhat of an insinuation.
130
On the social and political front he was
more concrete, asserting that economic problems greatly increased the potential
for conflict in Uzbek society. In the words of an Akromiya leader, “Light a match
and all will blaze up.” Events in neighboring Kyrgyzstan seemed to prove this, for
they had led relatively easily to regime change, albeit with much looting. Yet in
the end, Akromiya grounded its hopes more in religious arguments that defended
armed conflict than in theories about the power of the “discontented masses.”
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