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professional visitors (SMG, 2006). Harrison and Cairns (2008) claim that the academic office “
has
traditionally been a physical symbol of a person’s seniority within the academic community: the more
senior one is within the department or faculty, the larger and better equipped the office is likely to
be
”. Private rooms for deans and professors may contain, besides the standard desk and bookshelves,
a meeting table or even a soft seating area, while junior staff members or PhD students may have to
share rooms with multiple other persons. Hierarchy thus plays a big role in the allocation of
offices to
academic employees (Harrison and Cairns, 2008; Brunia et al., 2012). This built-in hierarchy in the
workplace is also mentioned as explanation for the greater acceptance of open work environments
among junior researchers compared to senior researchers. Junior researchers are more open
minded
and never had a privately owned office, so they cannot miss what they never had (Parkin et al., 2006).
Furthermore, younger generations seem to be more positive about open environments in general
compared to the older generation (Ives and Ferdinands, 1974).
According to a work activity analysis in academic offices at the Department of Civil and
Building Engineering at Loughborough University, performed by Parkin et al. (2006), staff spend only
30% of their work time in their office. This thus means a vacancy of 70% of academic offices. When
looking at Dutch universities, Brunia et al. (2012) also observed an average occupation rate of 30%,
compared to 52% in regular (non-scientific) offices. However, it is remarkable to see that when
academics is asked about their presence in the office, they mention that they are in their office 80%
of their time. There is thus a huge difference between what is mentioned by academics and what is
observed.
When academics are in office, they perform a variety of work performances. According to
Brunia et al. (2012), academics claim to perform office work for 60% of their time in the workplace.
Furthermore, 20% of their time consists of meetings. This is consistent with non-scientific office
workers; only difference is that academics spend 10% more time on undisturbed office work and 6%
less on telephoning. Parkin et al. (2006) found that academics spend 43% of their time on computer
work and 21% on paperwork, which together is comparable to the 60% mentioned by Brunia et al.
(2012). Also the 22% for meetings is comparable to the 20% as mentioned by Brunia et al. (2012). A
distribution from both researches of the activities performed in the academic office can be seen in
figure 3.5.
Figure 3.5:
Activity patterns in academic offices
(sources: left: Parkin et al., 2006; right: Brunia et al., 2012)
Brunia et al. (2012) state that scientific researchers claim to perform different activities than
‘regular’ office employees, therefore having other needs and requirements for offices. However,
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activity analyses show that activities of both environments are quite similar, apart from the bigger
need for academics to be able to perform concentrated work. At the same time, the average
occupation rate of 30% means that NWW implementation creates enormous potential for both cost
and space savings regarding the academic workplace. It can therefore be of great value to study the
possibilities for and influences of implementation of NWW in the academic office workplace. Last but
not least, it must be mentioned that currently most universities claim to (consider to) implement
NWW driven by increasing efficiency and cost reduction rather than increasing employee satisfaction
and labor productivity. This contradicts what is most mentioned as requirement from academic
workplaces: to be functional and comfortable. Therefore, academics do not see the need to redesign
workplaces (Brunia et al., 2012).
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