The Lucifer Effect
strictly followed. In short order, "Camp X-Ray" was transformed into "Camp
Delta" with 6 2 5 inmates, 1 , 4 0 0 MIs and MPs, and lots of tension.
Miller was an innovator and developed specialized interrogation teams that
for the first time integrated military intelligence (MI) personnel with the military
police (MP) guard force—blurring a line that had previously been impermeable in
the Army. To get inside the heads of the prisoners, Miller relied on experts. "He
brought in behavioral scientists, who were psychologists and psychiatrists [both
civilian and military]. And they were looking for psychological vulnerabilities,
soft spots, ways to manipulate the detainees to kind of get them to cooperate, and
looking for sort of psychic vulnerabilities and cultural vulnerabilities."
3 2
Using prisoners' medical records, Miller's interrogators tried to induce de-
pression, to disorient detainees, and to break them. The prisoners resisted: there
were hunger strikes, at least fourteen prisoners committed suicide early on, and
over the next few years, several hundred prisoners attempted suicide.
3 3
Recently,
three Gitmo detainees committed suicide by hanging themselves in their cells
with bedsheets; none had been formally charged after having been held there for
many years. Instead of recognizing such acts as signs of desperation, one govern-
ment spokesperson derided them as a public relations move to gain a t t e n t i o n .
3 4
A
Navy rear admiral contended that they had not been acts of desperation but
rather "an act of asymmetrical warfare against us."
Miller's new interrogation teams were encouraged to get more aggressive,
given Secretary Rumsfeld's official authorization of the harshest techniques ever
sanctioned for use by U.S. soldiers. Abu Ghraib was to become Miller's new experi-
mental laboratory to test his hypotheses about the means necessary to get "ac-
tionable intelligence" from resistant prisoners. Rumsfeld went to Gitmo with his
aide Stephen Cambone to meet with Miller and be sure they were all playing the
same game.
Recall that General Karpinski said that Miller told her, "You have to treat the
prisoners like dogs. I f . . . they believe that they're any different than dogs, you
have effectively lost control of your interrogation from the very s t a r t . . . . And it
works. This is what we do down at Guantânamo B a y . "
3 5
Karpinski is also on record as saying that Miller "came up there and told me
that he was going to "Gitmo-ize" the detention operation (at Abu G h r a i b ) . "
3 6
Colonel Pappas reported that Miller told him the use of dogs at Gitmo had proven
effective in setting the atmosphere for getting information from prisoners and
that the use of dogs "with or without a muzzle" was okay.
3 7
To be certain that his orders were followed, Miller wrote a report and saw to
it that his team left behind a compact disc with detailed instructions to be fol-
lowed. General Sanchez then authorized his tough new rules, which elaborated
on many of the techniques being used in Guantânamo. The veteran Army gen-
eral Paul Kern made evident the problems created by such application of Gitmo-
approved tactics to Abu Ghraib: "I think it became confusing. I mean, we found in
computers in Abu Ghraib SECDEF [Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld's] memos that
Putting the System on Trial
4 1 5
were written for Guantanamo, not for Abu Ghraib. And that caused confusion."
3 8
For all the reasons outlined above, General Geoffrey Miller is added to our list of
defendants on trial for their crimes against humanity.
3 9
In its accusations. Human Rights Watch stopped short of going up to the pin-
nacle of system responsibility for the abuses and torture at Abu Ghraib: Vice Presi-
dent Dick Cheney and President George W. Bush. I will not be so hesitant. A bit
later, I will add these two to our list of defendants put on trial here. They will be
accused for their role in setting the agenda that redefined the nature of torture,
suspended protections afforded prisoners under international law, and encour-
aged the CIA to engage in a series of illegal and lethal tactics because of their ob-
session with the so-called war on terror.
However, first we need to explore further the question of whether the Tier 1A
abuses were an isolated incident by those few rotten apples or whether their offen-
sive behavior was part of a broader pattern of tacitly approved, and widely prac-
ticed, abuses by many in the military and civilian cadre involved with capture,
detention, and interrogation of suspected insurgents. My contention will be that
this barrel of apples began rotting from the top down.
T O R T U R E , T O R T U R E E V E R Y W H E R E ,
W I T H M A Y H E M O N T H E S I D E
As he did on the day after the abuse photos were first revealed publicly, General
Richard Myers, the Joint Chiefs chairman, continues to deny any systemwide in-
volvement in the abuses; instead he continues to lay all the blame on the "Abu
Ghraib Seven MPs." He said publicly (on August 2 5, 2 0 0 5 ) , "I think we've had at
least fifteen investigations on Abu Ghraib, and we've dealt with that. I mean, just
a little snapshot—if it was only the night shift at Abu Ghraib, which it was, it was
only a small section of the guards that participated in this, it's a pretty good clue
that it wasn't a more widespread problem."
4 0
Did he ever read any of those reports? From only the sections of the indepen-
dent investigative reports that I have summarized here, it could not be clearer that
the abuses went well beyond those few MPs emerging in the images from Tier 1 A.
Those investigations implicate the military leadership, civilian interrogators,
military intelligence, and the CIA in creating the conditions that spawned the
abuses. Even worse, they participated in other, even more deadly abuses.
You will recall that the Schlesinger panel detailed fifty-five cases of detainee
abuse throughout Iraq, as well as twenty instances of detainee deaths still under
slow investigation. The Taguba Report found numerous instances of wanton
criminal abuses constituting "systematic and illegal abuse of detainees" at Abu
Ghraib (my italics). Another Pentagon report documented forty-four allegations
of such war crimes at Abu Ghraib. The International Committee of the Red Cross
told the government that its treatment of detainees in many of its military prisons
has involved psychological and physical coercion that is "tantamount to torture."
4 1 6
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