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Sociolinguists have long accepted that careful study is needed so as to distinguish
between the actual language use of a group and the stereotypes held about it. Indeed,
one of the defining characteristics of sociolinguistic research is its commitment to the
examination of language that is actually produced by speakers as opposed to their
potential linguistic competence (Milroy and Gordon, 2003). Holmes (1991: 39) likens
the role of a sociolinguist to that of a skilled optometrist aspiring ‘to clean the sooty
sediment of negative stereotypes and prejudice.’ This is particularly relevant when
studying the language of an ethnic grouping such as Irish Travellers. As Table 9.2
demonstrates, the findings from the analysis suggest that there are more similarities than
differences between the families’ pragmatic systems, perhaps indicating the possibility
of the existence of a shared pragmatic repertoire in the family CofP in general. The table
shows that over four analysis chapters, ten marked similarities between the families’
pragmatic systems were unearthed in contrast to six marked differences. This finding
may have ramifications outside of the immediate discipline. For example, in Irish
teacher education, it might be possible to employ the findings to help develop an anti-
bias and inter-cultural dimension to the pre-service, induction and continuing
professional development of teachers.
In order to investigate what the pragmatic variation between the two families conveys
about
the world they live in, a third research question was posed:
3.
What do these similarities and differences in the pragmatic systems reveal about the
influence of micro- and macro-social factors such as
power
,
socio-economic status
or
ethnicity
on the families?
The analysis chapters reveal that, broadly speaking, the similarities between the two
families’ pragmatic practices, summarised in column two of Table 9.2, are due to the
influence of micro-social factors on the families’ pragmatic systems (see Section 2.2.1).
Chapters 5 and 6 demonstrate how the families primarily orientate themselves to their
audience
, which is both private and immediate, and their
shared immediate situation
of
the family home. It was shown that, for example, in a family’s shared space, very few
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referents are ‘new’ due to each member’s familiarity with the context of the interaction.
However, it is the micro-social characteristic of
social roles
that was often proven to
have the over-riding influence on the families’ pragmatic practices. It is worth
reiterating here that these social roles exist on two levels. The first is hierarchical in
nature with the parents frequently displaying the most conversational power in the
family unit. In addition, the older siblings appear to have more conversational power
than their younger counterparts. The second level relates to identity and is both stable
and pre-established – family members are accorded roles such as
father
,
mother
,
older
brother
or
youngest daughter
and these remain in place indefinitely. These social roles
were shown to contribute to, for example, the marked similarities in vocative function,
the connection between attention to face and final position in an utterance and the
construction of a family deictic centre around the children. Overall, these unique micro-
social factors result in a family-specific ‘bank’ of shared knowledge. Finally, Chapter 8
argued that these factors also serve to ‘meta-hedge’ the context itself, thereby lessening
the need for lexical realisations of negative politeness strategies such as hedges.
In contrast, the differences between the pragmatic systems of the settled and Traveller
family can be attributed to the impact of macro-social factors such as
age
,
socio-
economic status
,
ethnicity
and
educational background
. In sum, the differing age
profiles of the two families was shown to have an effect on discrepancies in relation to
the use of
you
and
I
and anaphoric
that
. Similarly, the influence of ethnicity impacted
on, for example, both families’ choice of vocative form, which was also connected to
their differing socio-economic status, and the use of ‘exclusive
we
’ which is present in
the settled family but does not occur in the Traveller one. Furthermore, all of these
macro-social variables were demonstrated to act in concert to contribute to the
differences noted in the hedging strategies of both families. Taking these answers to the
first three research questions into consideration
prompted the final question, namely:
4.
What can this study of family discourse bring to our understanding of the
frameworks through which spoken discourse may be analysed, specifically
variational pragmatics and community of practice?
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family CofP. Therefore, in conclusion, it is argued that small-scale corpus linguistic
studies such as the present study offer a variety of thought-provoking insights into
variational pragmatics and the community of practice.
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