ley: Development and Dialogue in the Heart of Central Asia,
Preventive Action Reports,
Vol. 4, New York, 1999.
2. The literature on the 2005 Andijan events largely applies this hypothesis. See Saving
Its Secrets: Government Repression in Andijan,
Human Rights Watch, New York, 2005;
and International Crisis Group, The Andijan Uprising, Asia Briefing no. 38, Brussels and
Washington, DC, 2005.
3. The key figure in this development was Burhan al-Din al-Marghinani, 1152–1197
and his seminal code, Al Hidayah (The Guidance).
Ferghana
Valley
3
1
The Ferghana Valley: The
Pre-Colonial Legacy
Abdukakhor Saidov (Tajikistan), with
Abdulkhamid Anarbaev (Uzbekistan) and
Valentina Goriyacheva (Kyrgyz Republic)
The Ferghana Valley, surrounded by mountains on all sides, is one of nature’s unique
regions. The intermountain plain—the Ferghana Valley itself—was formed a million
years ago by a lifting of the earth’s crust. It is bounded on the south by the Alai and
Turkestan mountain ranges, on the east by the Ferghana range, and on the north and
west by the Chatkal and Kuramin mountains. A natural route to the west provides
the sole link between the Ferghana Valley and the rest of Central Asia, which is why
the Mughal emperor Babur, himself a native of the valley, wrote that the Ferghana
Valley is wide open to attack from that direction throughout the year.
Here almost all types of natural landscapes are found, from the sand dunes of
central Ferghana to alpine meadows. The valley is distinctive for its dry, continental
climate. The high mountain ranges form a natural barrier for water-saturated air
masses, which inhibits rain from reaching fields in the heart of the valley. Despite
this, the region is able to sustain both agriculture and cattle raising.
The valley is defined by the basins of the Syr Darya, Amu Darya, and Naryn
rivers, with the Syr Darya being the valley’s largest. Formed at the junction of the
Naryn and Kara Darya rivers, its waters flow from east to west across the entire
valley, separating it into uneven northern and southern areas. Many run-off channels
flow into the Syr Darya from the surrounding mountains, creating in their deltas
favorable conditions for human life. The mountains are rich in juniper, hazelnut,
hawthorn, and other fruit and berries, as well as diverse fauna.
The Ferghana Valley was initially an agricultural region separated from the nomad-
ic tribes by the encircling mountains. Over time the cultures of farmers and nomads
melded together into a single, inseparable history. The Davan kingdom was but one
of many societies created there through such symbiosis. These processes led gradu-
ally to the mutual enrichment of cultures, values, and traditions among the peoples
living on this territory. This imparted to them a common identity that was preserved
through the centuries and came to define the Ferghana Valley as a whole.
4 SAIDOV, ANARBAEV, GORIYACHEVA
The first signs of irrigated agriculture in Ferghana date to no later than the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
bce
, that is, during the late Bronze Age. At the
time two cultures coexisted there: one agricultural—the Chust—identified by its
painted ceramics; and the other cattle breeding—the so-called Kairakkum—with
its ceramics drawn from the steppes. In the middle of the second century
bce
, a
new pastoral culture from the steppes made its appearance in the southern foothills
of the Ferghana range and the north of the Alai ridges. This formed part of the
Andronovo culture that was widespread in Eurasia.
The remains of more than 80 settlements of the agrarian Chust culture have
been discovered. These were situated along rivers on the large, isolated oases at
a typical distance of 20–30 kilometers from one another. Thus, in the Uzgen the
largest late Bronze Age remains in the Ferghana Valley is the site at Dalverzin,
which consists of three parts surrounded by separate defensive walls. The citadel
comprises 2 hectares. Its 2.5-meter thick fortification wall is built on the occupa-
tion layer and reaches up to 2.6 meters in height. The inner city, with an area of
eighteen hectares, is surrounded by a 6-meter defensive wall built on a special
platform from adobe bricks ( pahsa) and rammed earth. Under this base have been
discovered occupational layers up to 0.8-meters thick. Inside the fortification, three
types of habitations corresponding to the three periods of settlement have been
found: frame houses, wattle-and-daub houses, and dugouts. The outer city, with
an area of about 5 hectares, was used as a shelter for cattle.
Iurii A. Zadneprovskii delineated three long periods in the history of the site.
The first witnessed an unfortified agricultural settlement; in the second period,
fortifications were constructed; during the third period, the fortifications were no
longer functional and occupational layers appear above them. Carbon 14 analyses
indicate that Dalverzin existed for about 800 years, that is, from the fourteenth or
fifteenth to the eighth or seventh centuries
bce
. Diverse types of cultural materials
were found there, including ceramics, copper, bronze, stone, and bone.
Sometimes fragments of ceramic pottery were also found. Tableware painted
with a black-gray glaze is one of the most significant signs of the Chust culture.
These were adorned with geometrical designs, painted with black paint over a
bright red background. The motifs of these ornaments were made up of triangles
and rhombuses; there were various ribbons filled with diamond-shaped drawings,
circles with dots in the center, and the like. The entire array of ornaments was crafted
with such deliberation that one can safely assume that even the most simplified
variants of these ornaments carry certain semantic meanings.
The remains of a foundry workshop, a crucible, a clay nozzle, slag, a series of
casting moulds, and a variety of metal tools indicate the development of metallurgy
using copper and bronze. Researchers attribute the wide development of bronze
metallurgy to two factors: the presence of copper mines in the Ferghana Valley and
the influence of the Andronovo steppe tribes, among whom metallurgical manu-
facturing was widespread.
1
On archaeological digs more than a thousand stone
tools have been found, including crescent knives, graters, burnishes, and various
THE PRE-COLONIAL LEGACY 5
seed grinders. Bone products are of equal interest: notably bone combs for nailing
down the wefts on a weaving loom, various parts of horse harnesses, and a number
of astragals were found.
2
The Chust settlement at Burnamozor, with a walled area of about five hectares,
was located in the northern Ferghana on a terrace of the Gavasay. Recent research
shows that the Chust culture cultivated the most favorable lands in the valleys of
such rivers as the Karasu, Kara Darya, Ak-Bura, Margilansai, Gavasay, Kasansai,
and others.
3
Here, as in Dalverzin, three types of dwellings were discovered: frame
houses, wattle-and-daub houses, and dugouts. The ceramics, metal, stone and bone
products excavated there all are very similar to the findings at Dalverzin. It is
important to note that, unlike in Dalverzin, in Chust there is no black-gray glazed
tableware, nor are there any iron artifacts.
4
Among the Chust monuments, the Osh (Sulaiman-Too Mountain) settlement
stands out.
5
It consists of dwellings with in-house pits, fireplaces, production com-
plexes, and a sanctuary, and is located on the terraces around the mountain peak,
covering an area of more than 2,000 square meters. Fifteen inhabited terraces were
unearthed, cut out of rock, with the foundation pits of the semi-dugouts at a differ-
ent depth, along with earthen wattle-and-daub houses and wooden constructions
of rush-and-clay covers.
Most of the constructions of the Osh settlement had not been inhabited, but
were used instead as industrial facilities, with more than 200 storage pits for grain
and other supplies having been discovered. According to Zadneprovskii, this part
of the Osh settlement was considered a highland sanctuary and its terraces were
places for performing rituals related to the worship of the mountain, or perhaps
to a proto-Zoroastrian cult of the sun, fire, and water. A considerable quantity of
painted ceramics and about 76.3 percent of the total number of structures on the
Sulaiman-Too Mountain warrant the conclusion that it was the original cultural-
ideological center of all the Chust culture of Ferghana.
6
Archeologists assume that in the eighth and seventh centuries
bce
some hun-
dreds—and in other places, thousands—of hectares of fertile land were devoted to
agriculture. This led to an increase in food production, greater social differentiation,
and the start of urbanization. Probably in this period the first political associations
or rudiments of statehood occupying the territory of one, two, and sometimes even
three irrigational regions—oases—began to emerge. Dalverzin and Chust were
the centers of these political developments. Later, perhaps in the tenth and ninth
centuries bce, “centralized” and considerably large state-type entities appeared.
7
This was supported by an agricultural system that produced wheat, rye, and millet
and had domesticated cattle, horses, donkeys, dogs, and camels.
8
It was probably
at this time that the first iron tools appeared.
The agricultural tribes of the south and the southwest also played a role in the
formation of the Chust culture in Ferghana. Some findings are testaments to this,
such as stone images of snakes with Elamite origins found in the Sokh region,
9
the Haksky treasures,
10
and bronze relics from Aflatuna.
11
The remains of a cattle
6 SAIDOV, ANARBAEV, GORIYACHEVA
raising culture were found in the foothill zones of western and southern Ferghana.
The nomadic culture of Ferghana is more similar to the culture of the peoples from
Semireche (Seven Rivers) and the Central Syr Darya regions. The intersection of
these two cultures is reflected in the appearance of the nomads’ earthenware in
various towns.
12
The early Iron Age began in the eighth century
bce
and lasted to the third century
bce
,
13
an era known to archeologists as the Eilatan or Eilatan-Aktam period. There
were no written records from this era in Ferghana but the archeological finds suggest
how closely the excavated settlements conform to descriptions in the Zoroastrians’
holy book, the Avesta. One commonly finds in the Avesta such concepts as a “house-
dwelling family” and a “generational-patrimonial settlement,” which are similar to
the Chust groups and with the social structure of ancient Iranians generally, with
its three carefully delineated estates: soldiers, priests, and farmers-cattlemen.
The site of ancient Eilatan is a good example of the urban growth in the early
Iron Age.
14
A planned area, it is an irregular quadrangle of defensive walls with
towers. The area of the inner building is twenty hectares. The fortifications have
a thickness of four meters. At a distance of 500 meters from it, there is a second
external wall protecting the city’s arable lands and a shelter for cattle measuring
200 hectares. Another urban settlement of the same type—Nurtepe—was excavated
in the Ura-Tyube region.
15
In southern Ferghana, the remains of monumental architecture were excavated
at the urbanized settlement Symtepe, which was founded in the fourth century
bce
. Natalia G. Gorbunova
16
and others have uncovered nearly a dozen major
burial grounds from the sixth to the fourth centuries
bce
; nearly all of them were
earthen graves with the bodies oriented to the west and accompanied by niches
with ritual food. This further strengthens the conclusion that by the Early Iron Age
in the Ferghana Valley a unique agricultural and cattle-raising culture existed, with
comprehensive social and religious institutions.
17
By 800–400
bce
an integrated system of trade put the people of Ferghana
into cultural contact not only with neighboring cattle-raising peoples but also
with the more developed civilizations of the Asian Near East, but both Greek
and Persian and Greek sources are silent on whether Ferghana actually became
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