462 Chapter
13
Personality
Finally, psychological tests are based on
norms, standards
of test performance
that permit the comparison of one person’s score on a test with the scores of others
who have taken the same test. For example, a norm permits test-takers who have
received a certain score on a test to know that they have scored in the top 10% of all
those who have taken the test.
Norms are established by administering a specifi c test to a large number of
people and determining the typical scores. It is then possible
to compare a single
person’s score with the scores of the group, which provides a comparative
measure of test performance against the performance of others who have taken
the test.
The establishment of appropriate norms is not a simple endeavor. For instance,
the specifi c group that is employed to determine norms for a test has a profound
effect on the way an individual’s performance is evaluated. In fact,
as we discuss
next, the process of establishing norms can take on political overtones.
The passions of politics may confront the objectivity of science
when test norms are established, at least in the realm of
standardized tests that are meant to predict future job
performance. In fact, a national controversy has developed
around the question of whether
different norms should be
established for members of various racial and ethnic groups
(Manly, 2005, 2006; Manly & Echemendia, 2007; Pedraza &
Mungas, 2008).
The test that sparked the controversy was the U.S. government’s General Aptitude
Test Battery, a test that measures a broad range of abilities from eye-hand coordination
to reading profi ciency. The problem was that African Americans and Hispanics tend to
score
lower on the test, on average, than members of other groups. The lower scores
often are due to a lack of prior relevant experience and job opportunities, which in turn
has been due to prejudice and discrimination.
To promote the employment of minority racial groups,
the government developed
a separate set of norms for African Americans and Hispanics. Rather than using the
pool of all people who took the tests, the scores of African-American and Hispanic
applicants were compared only with the scores of other African Americans and
Hispanics. Consequently, a Hispanic who scored in the top 20%
of the Hispanics taking
the test was considered to have performed equivalently to a white job applicant who
scored in the top 20% of the whites who took the test, even though the absolute score
of the Hispanic might be lower than that of the white.
Critics of the adjusted norming system suggested that such a procedure
discriminates in favor of certain racial and ethnic groups at the expense of others,
thereby fanning the fl ames of racial bigotry. The practice
was challenged legally; with
the passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1991, race norming on the General Aptitude Test
Battery was discontinued (Galef, 2001).
However, proponents of race norming continue to argue that norming procedures
that take race into account are an affi rmative action tool that simply permits minority
job-seekers to be placed on an equal footing with white job-seekers. Furthermore, a
panel of the National Academy of Sciences supported the practice of adjusting test
norms. It suggested that the unadjusted test norms are not very
useful in predicting job
performance and that they would tend to screen out otherwise qualifi ed minority
group members (Fleming, 2000).
Job testing is not the only area in which issues arise regarding norms and the
meaning of test scores. The issue of how to treat racial differences in IQ scores is also
controversial and divisive. Clearly, race norming raises profound and intense feelings
that may come into confl ict with scientifi c objectivity (Leiter & Leiter, 2003; Rushton &
Jensen, 2006; Davis, 2009).
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