The Implicit and the Implied in a Written Constitution
123
legislatures of two thirds of the several states, shall call a convention for pro-
posing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and
purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of
three fourths of the several states . . . [etc.].
Evidence of original intent confirms an inference of exclusivity.
51
But this
must be implicated, because it is difficult to regard the provision as elliptical:
there is no natural space where a qualification such as ‘only’ or ‘exclusively’
could be understood as implicit. Rather than such a word completing the
express content of the clause, a distinct implicature seems required.
As for rights, the inclusion of the Ninth Amendment in the American
Constitution was motivated by the fear that in its absence, the enumeration of
certain rights in the proposed new Bill of Rights might imply that ‘the people’
had no other rights. As James Wilson said,
If we attempt an enumeration, everything that is not enumerated is pre-
sumed to be given [to the federal government]. The consequence is, that an
imperfect enumeration would throw all implied power into the scale of the
government; and the rights of the people would be rendered incomplete.
52
In other words, an enumeration might give rise to an implicature of the
expressio unius kind, which the Ninth Amendment was adopted to preempt
or cancel.
53
It is a central feature of pragmatic theory that implications can be
cancelled by express words.
54
As for powers, arguments about the existence of implied limits to
Commonwealth legislative powers have often relied on that presumption.
Section 51 of the Australian Constitution lists thirty-nine subject matters
over which the Commonwealth Parliament is given legislative power; State
Parliaments generally retain power over other subject matters. The High Court
has had to grapple with the difficult issue of whether or not the carefully lim-
ited nature of some of the subject matters granted to the Commonwealth has
implications for the interpretation of its other powers. An example is whether
or not the grant of power by s. 51(i) only over ‘trade and commerce with other
countries, and among the states’ – conspicuously withholding power over
trade and commerce within the states – should, by implication, prevent other
51
E.g., H. P. Monaghan, ‘We the People[s], Original Understanding, and Constitutional
Amendment’ (1996) 96 Columbia Law Review 12; D. R. Dow, ‘When Words Mean What We
Believe They Say: The Case of Article V’ (1990) 76 Iowa Law Review 1; J. R. Vile, ‘Legally
amending the United States Constitution: The Exclusivity of Article V’s Mechanisms’ (1991)
21 Cumberland Law Review 271.
52
J. Wilson, quoted by Barnett, Supra note 49, 624; for full discussion, see Williams, Supra
note 42, section II.
53
L. Solum, Section
3.6.4
. See also Section
4.4.1
.
54
Lycan, Supra note 41, 193.
124
Jeffrey Goldsworthy
granted powers such as that over ‘trading corporations’ (s. 51(xx)) being used to
regulate intra-state trade and commerce. The High Court has held that it does
not. But as Michael Stokes has recently argued to the contrary:
the law normally draws negative implications from positive grants of power
because failure to do so undermines the raison d’etre of limited grants of
power. The law assumes that grantors of limited power, including constitu-
tional and legislative power, do not intend to give the recipient of the grant
other unlimited powers, because to do so would render the grant of limited
power unnecessary and otiose.
55
It has been argued that the ‘necessary and proper clause’ in the United States
Constitution was inserted to preempt or cancel a possible implication that
Congress’ enumerated powers were strictly exhaustive.
56
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