Figure 108: The Panizza home, Vermiglio,
Trentino Alto Adige in November 2008.
Figure 109: 1990, the last Wittenoom Races.
Photo courtesy Venera Uculano.
221
While several participants could prove that their Wittenoom savings provided a
foundation on which to build their futures, others argued that it was their subsequent
sacrifices and hard work that helped them achieve their sistemazione, not Wittenoom.
Whatever their stance, they continued to engage in long hours of work, including second jobs
and overtime. Women who had worked in Wittenoom also continued to work elsewhere.
During the 1950s and 1960s, while the expectation in Australian society was for a
married woman to stay at home to care for the family, 75 per cent of Italian women worked in
paid employment to supplement the family income, compared with 20 per cent of Australian
women.
19
In those two decades, all first generation Italian women who participated or were
mentioned during fieldwork were in paid employment or in a business partnership with their
husbands, both during or after their time in Wittenoom. Furthermore, they remained in the
workforce after the birth of their children.
The decision to limit the number of children — compared with their parents’
generation
20
— was evident in the families of several participants, although not
acknowledged during my fieldwork.
21
Similarly to Miller’s findings, this choice was based not
on modern ideas of women’s right to emancipation but rather migrant women who put the
greatest emphasis on family needs, which could only be met by having fewer children.
22
More than half of those participating in this research had families of two and three children —
mirroring the average Italian TFR [Total Fertility Rate] in Australia, recorded as 3.38 in 1971;
a family size which by 1976 had declined to 2.44.
23
At least one family reflected the lower
family size of 1.5 recorded in Italy, as reported by McDonald.
24
Furthermore, McDonald noted
that family sizes for women of Italian origin were estimated to be below that of most other
19
For the Italian women’s statistics see Panucci, Kelly & Castles, Op Cit. p. 69, figure 4.2. For the
Australian women’s statistics see Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1301.0 – Year Book Australia (2001),
“A Century of Population Change in Australia”, p.8. For a discussion of why Italian women of the post
war period in Melbourne, Australia worked see Miller (2011), Op Cit. p. 86.
The 1950s were a time
when most women stayed at home, with 15% or less in the workforce. The ABA statistics indicated
that employment among Australian women increased to about 25 per cent by 1961.
20
Who had had as many as ten and more children.
21
For a discussion on fertility rates see Miller (2011), Op Cit. and Miller (2002), Op Cit.
22
Miller (2004), Op Cit. p. 202.
23
Abbasi-Shavazi, M. J. & McDonald, P., (2000), 'Fertility and Multiculturalism: Immigrant Fertility in
Australia, 1977-1991',
The International Migration Review, 34 (1), p. 230. See also Miller (2011), Op
Cit. for a discussion of Italians in Melbourne, Australia who reveal similar TFR’s.
24
McDonald, P. (2000), 'Gender Equity in Theories of Fertility',
Population and Development Review,
26 (3), pp. 427-39.
222
ethnic groups.
25
Similarly, the second generation children of Wittenoom Italians made
comparable decisions on their family size, with most participants having one or two children,
in line with Australian census statistics of 1.7 for second generation Italians.
26
The decision to return to work was often facilitated by the arrival of grandparents from
Italy or the support of extended family. One participant spoke of her desire to work for the
stimulation it provided, despite the challenge of juggling family and work. The women worked
in the clothing and food processing industries, in nursing homes, restaurants, supermarkets
and department stores, in locations near their homes to ensure they could attend to family
needs. The more entrepreneurial women spearheaded the family’s search for a business
opportunity and/or contributed to the growth of the business, from which other ventures and
investments were funded.
The single men courted Italian women in Western Australia and Italy, married and
had children. Marriages among Wittenoom Italians, similar to Price’s findings on the first
generation immigrants, were more likely to occur within their own group, but they were
starting to choose spouses outside their village or region of provenance.
27
Proxy marriages
occurred, arranged by family in their hometown and conducted when a woman had agreed to
join her fiancé already in Australia. Participants made no reference to their preference for
intra-marriage, but historians variously explain there was little intermarriage among the first
generation Italians with other ethnic groups or Anglo-Australians for reasons such as their
inadequate command of any language other than their own, and their difficulty in assimilating
given the existing racist attitudes in Australian society at the time.
28
Intermarriages began to appear in discernible numbers among second generation
Italians, and more commonly among the men; supporting the findings of Khoo et al and
25
McDonald (2000), Op Cit.
26
Khoo, S., et al. (2002), 'Second Generation Australians', (Canberra: Australasian Centre for
Population Research and the Department of Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs), p.
136.
27
Price, C.A. (1989),
Ethnic Groups in Australia. Canberra: Office of Multicultural Affairs.
28
Vasta, Op Cit. p. 144. Price, C.A. & Zubrzyki, J. (1962b), 'Immigrant marriage patterns in Australia',
Population Studies, 16 (2), pp. 123-33.
223
Giorgas and Jones.
29
In line with the upward trend of intermarriages by Italians, these
occurred among the children of Wittenoom Italians in the 1970s and 1980s.
30
Of those who
mentioned their marital status, at least three of the male children of the 11 interviewed had
married women of other nationalities; in contrast to the tendency of the daughters to marry
husbands of Italian background. Divorce among Italians was almost unheard of because of
their religious beliefs. Accordingly, divorce rates among first generation Italians who
participated in this research or were mentioned during fieldwork — one couple in Italy and
one in Perth — are in line with the low percentage (1.2 per cent) reported in government
statistics.
31
The stories of Pio Panizza, Paolo Del Casale and Giulio Santini are typical of the
young single Italian men’s pathway to sistemazione after Wittenoom. Pio Panizza left
Wittenoom in 1958, still a single man. He went to work in Wundowie cutting timber until he
had set aside enough money to start a trucking business with a Greek partner (see figures
110 & 112). Pio was to learn a hard lesson. The partner, whom Pio had thought to be a solid
family man, left him with the business’s old truck and the debt incurred to buy the new one,
and headed to Queensland without his wife and seven children. Like many men of his age,
Pio wanted to settle down. He married his paesana, Miriam, once she joined him in 1965.
She gave birth to their first child, Rosy, in Wundowie where they were living. Within a few
years, with Pio’s hard work and Miriam’s budgeting, they had saved enough for a deposit on
a house in Perth (see figure 111). Pio found work as a window cleaner with one of the shire
councils. At Miriam’s insistence, he left this job on a multi-storey building because of her
fears of an accident. Pio found work with a builder, but then ill-health struck Miriam. The
doctor’s suggestion that they return to Italy for her convalescence was all Miriam needed to
insist upon their permanent return.
29
Khoo et al.
Op Cit
.
p.p. 130 & 136. Giorgas, D. & Jones, F. L. (2002), 'Intermarriage Patterns and
Social Cohesion Among First, Second and Later Generation Australians',
Journal of Population
Research, 19 (1), 47-64.
30
Castles, Op Cit. p. 351. 23 % by 1976 and 49% by 1986.
31
Khoo et al. Op Cit. p. 134.
224
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