mainstream television programmes? Such viewers, in the tradition of
Willis’ rebellious schoolboys, can be seen as operating strategies to
construct identities in opposition to those offered to them by the media
institutions that create the programmes. In other words, they devise strate-
gies of resistance to the social forces that are attempts to persuade them to
accept their subordinate positions in society.
Examples of ethnographic media research include Morley’s (1980)
The
Nationwide Audience,
an attempt to discover how groups that were differen-
tiated by class variously interpreted a popular early-evening current affairs
programme of the 1970s. Collections of key articles on media studies
typically include ethnographic research of different kinds; for example,
Marris and Thornham’s (1996) anthology includes short studies of house-
wives’ choices of viewing, and gendered uses of the video-recorder, as well
as critiques of the methodology and assumptions of ethnographic research.
Media ethnography is usually very different in depth from studies such as
Heath’s (1983). Whereas Heath observed patterns of interaction in two
entire communities for a decade, Hobson (1980; reprinted in Marris and
Thornham, 1996: 307–12), concentrated on one particular group, namely
housewives, and explored a single research question, their preferred televi-
sion viewing. Nightingale (1989) questions whether such small-scale
research, interesting though it is, can be termed ‘ethnographic’ at all – a
question echoed by Turner (1990: 158–67). One problem with such small-
scale studies is that by focusing on, say, one group of viewers, you lose the
complexity or ‘thickness’ of description valued by broader ethnographic
studies. For example, by focusing on male-versus-female uses of the video-
recorder, the researcher is in danger of losing insight into wider male/
female uses of leisure time or wider patterns of gender relationships that
could illuminate the behaviour under consideration.
Small-scale ethnographic studies in media research share some of the
advantages and disadvantages of broader ethnographic research. They
share the political curiosity of ethnographic research in cultural studies,
and assume, like all ethnographic research, that meaning derives from
interactions (between participants or viewers and texts) concretely situated
in social contexts. They share the great attraction of being able to point to
‘real data’ to support an argument: for instance, instead of speculating
about what an utterance might mean out of context, you observe carefully,
and describe the negotiation and production of meanings in real-life inter-
actions. This attraction can become seductive and the availability of a
wealth of ‘real data’ can obscure the necessary subjectivity involved in the
interpretation of interactions by the researcher and his or her informants.
The various branches of ethnographic research, outlined above, seek to
uncover the cultural knowledge which governs social behaviour in
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context, by observing communities discreetly over a lengthy period of
time. Ethnomethodology and microethnography in particular seek models
for the way participants in interactions actively construct meanings
through negotiation in concrete situations. Ethnography in cultural and
media studies often focuses on marginalised groups and attempts to raise
their status by treating their social practices as complex and meaningful.
However, research agendas are not necessarily pedagogical agendas. The
methodological techniques adopted by the research community must be
adapted to serve the interests of the intercultural curriculum, where the
goals are (1) increased language competence, and (2) increased ability to
understand and mediate between different cultural practices. The sections
that follow turn to the value of ethnographic strategies to different aspects
of language teaching and learning.
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