Masharipov jahongir axmedovich conceptual analysis of the components of metaphor with the elements of mentality in english and uzbek

. .. Afrikaans not only seems to have developed many more expressions
based on the domain of nature, but the new metaphors also depict a
totally different scenery; this may contain mountains, heights and
flattened or levelled-off rises or it may be a flat or hilly landscape, used
as grazing or farming land (= veld); there are no permanent clouds or
shadows, but the "clouds bulge heavily downwards"; all sorts of
familiar animals provide the stereotypical images for human behaviour
or appearances. (1994, P- 73)
Another example is provided by English. The English spoken in Britain was 
carried to North America by the settlers. The freshness and imaginative vigor of 
American English has been noted by many authors. Among them, Baugh and 
Cable provide a useful comment:
He [the American] is perhaps at his best when inventing simple homely 
words like apple butter, sidewalk, and lightning rod, spelling bee and crazy quilt, 
low-down, and know-nothing, or when striking off a terse metaphor like log 
rolling, wire pulling, to have an ax to grind, to be on the fence. . .. The American 
early manifested the gift, which he continues to show, of the imaginative, slightly 
humorous phrase. To it we owe to bark up the wrong tree, to face the music, fly off 
the handle, go on the warpath, bury the hatchet, come out at the little end of the 
horn, saw wood, and many more, with the breath of the country and sometimes of 
the frontier about them. In this way, the American began his contributions to the 
English language, ... (1983, p. 365)

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66 
Many of these and other metaphorical expressions in American English owe 
their existence to the new landscape the settlers encountered, the many new 
activities they engaged in, and the frontier experience in general.[21;189] 
As was pointed out above, the language of emotion may emphasize 
metaphoric or metonymic understanding of a given emotion, and different 
mentalities may prefer one way of understanding emotional experience rather than 
the other. The same can apply to a single mentality through time. There can be a 
shift from one to the other, probably typically from metonymic to metaphoric 
understanding. It is worth quoting in full what the historian Peter Stearns has to say 
about such a process in connection with the United States:
Prior to the nineteenth century, dominant beliefs, medical and popular alike, 
attached anger, joy, and sadness to bodily functions. Hearts, for example, could 
shake, tremble, expand, grow cold. Because emotions were embodied, they had 
clear somatic qualities: people were gripped by rage (which could, it was held, 
stop menstruation), hot blood was the essence of anger, fear had cold sweats. 
Emotions, in other words, had physical stuff. But during the nineteenth century, 
historians increasingly realize, the humoral conception of the body, in which fluids 
and emotions alike, could pulse, gave way to a more mechanistic picture. And in 
the body-machine emotions were harder to pin down, the symptoms harder to 
convey. Of course physical symptoms could still be invoked, but now only 
metaphorically. (1994, pp. 66-67)
In other words, Victorian Americans used the "pressurized container"
metaphor for anger, which emphasized less the bodily basis (the metonymic 
conceptualization) of anger (although it was obviously motivated by it), but 
allowed them to conceptualize their anger metaphorically as something in a 
container that could be channeled for constructive purposes. [21;189]