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generalise must be treated with caution. However, Eckert and McConnell-Ginet
(1999: 191) maintain that „illuminating generalisations‟ emerge when the CofP is
examined not in isolation, but in conjunction with other social variables such as
ethnicity or social class. As Eckert (2000: 24) points out, the meanings associated
with variation in a CofP do not „emerge with no relation to larger social patterns.‟
For example, Eckert‟s (1989, 2000) study of adolescents in
the suburban Detroit area
yielded the finding that the jock girls are more standard in their pronunciation than
the jock boys, indeed Eckert and McConnell-Ginet (1999: 195) maintain that
„standard language use seems to be actively pursued by those young women [the
jock girls].‟ The jock community of practice is viewed by Eckert as associated with
their school‟s corporate culture and middle class aspirations. Therefore, according to
Eckert and McConnell-Ginet (
ibid.
), „such data suggest an extension of the
generalisation that women have to do much more than men simply to maintain their
place in the standard language market.‟ It can be argued, then, that the framework of
community of practice has much to offer in relation to the study of two families at
both a local and more global level.
Although, as Figure 3.1 illustrates, the pragmatic systems of the two families are
affected by macro-social influences, many of these have fundamental differences in
meaning for each family. For example, the concept of ethnicity is likely to have
inherent differences in importance between the two families. As Chapter 1 has
demonstrated, the two families fundamentally differ both in terms of social class and
ethnicity, and also in other macro-social categories such as educational achievement.
However, micro-social factors such as the power structure within the family are
broadly comparable. Adding another, more complex, layer is the impact of the
family community of practice, which can also be seen to „feed in‟ to the families‟
pragmatic systems. The impact of the CofP is two-fold. On the one hand, it could be
argued that all „western‟ families have certain shared practices such as family meals,
birthdays or religious customs. The singing of „Happy Birthday‟ is, for example, an
illustration of the universality of certain family practices. On the other hand, all
families will develop their own distinct practices over a period of time, for example,
the division of household chores, who sits where at the dinner table or who controls
the television remote control (see Section 3.4). In sum, there are both
similarities and
differences in factors affecting the two families. It is hypothesised here that the
77
similarities appear to support the notion of a „shared pragmatic repertoire‟ between
the two family communities of practice. However, it is also acknowledged that there
are notable differences between the pragmatic repertoires of the two families. The
notion of a „shared pragmatic repertoire‟ (or not) will be further explored in Chapter
4 and expanded on in the analysis chapters.
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