Encyclopedia of Islam

citizenship

---

account for the ongoing interdependence between 

the state and civil society. The institutions, associ-

ations, organizations, gathering places, and social 

movements on the terrain of civil society act as a 

kind of schoolhouse for 

democracy

 or as a dress 

rehearsal for more traditional forms of politi-

cal participation. While authoritarian regimes 

routinely attempt to “depoliticize” or “privatize” 

relations within society, the modern state finds 

it difficult to implement this divide-to-conquer 

strategy. It does not have the capacity to become 

truly totalitarian, to manipulate and control the 

entire spectrum of activities and dialogue consti-

tutive of the various “publics” in civil society.

The moral, political, and cultural capacities of 

actors in civil society are based on norms of trust, 

reciprocity, friendship, commitment, and the like 

that are metaphorically termed “social capital.” 

The strength and circulation of this social capital 

signals both the desire and potential for democra-

tization and may be the very locus of “democracy” 

in societies with governments that suffer from 

democracy deficits.

In the Middle East, civil society consists of 

“a mélange of associations, clubs, guilds, syn-

dicates, federations, unions, parties and groups 

[that] come together to provide a buffer between 

state and citizen.” (Norton, 1:7). Professional 

associations of doctors, lawyers, engineers, and 

teachers are particularly strong in e

gypt

, t

Unisia

, 

m

orocco

,  s

Udan

, and among the Palestinians. 

These syndicates are often the leading edge of 

civil society owing to the high level of education, 

political awareness, and financial resources of 

their members. In Egypt, members of the m

Uslim

b

rotherhood

 are elected majorities on the boards 

of most of these associations.

Among the Arab g

UlF

  s

tates

, Kuwait’s civil 

society deserves mention, with its fairly free 

press, professional associations, and cultural 

clubs. In particular, the reception areas (diwani-

yyah) in peoples’ homes function as gathering 

places where men socialize and discuss a variety 

of topics, political and otherwise. Kuwaiti women 

have started their own diwaniyyahs, and it was 

the  diwaniyyah that gave birth to the country’s 

prodemocracy movement in the 1990s. While 

Kuwait’s constitution provides the framework for 

its civil society, the state has never recognized 

independent voluntary organizations. t

Urkey

,

with its secular state, has a yet more energetic 

civil society, much of it Islamic. Still, its Islamist 

members possess “contradictory motivations and 

goals and sometimes radically differing interpre-

tations of fundamental religious principles and 

political platforms” (White, 6). When the Turk-

ish military regime crushed the left in the early 

1980s, Muslim activists filled the void; they con-

ducted charitable, humanitarian, and educational 

projects while agitating for economic and social 

justice. The electoral success of the Islamic Jus-

tice and Development Party provides evidence of 

the ability of Muslims to effectively organize and 

mobilize others in civil society.

Finally, note should be made of the attraction 

of militant Islamist groups such as h

izbUllah

 and 

h

amas

. These groups draw young recruits and 

galvanize popular support for several reasons, not 

the least of which is their “provision of substan-

tial social services and charitable activities, from 

education to housing and financial support of the 

members of families killed, wounded, or detained 

by authorities.” (Esposito and Burgat, 76)

See also 

aUthority

; 

constitUtion

.

Patrick O’Donnell