Civil society appears as mediator in Gramscian theory general special interest representative

Antonio Gramsci (1891–1937), an Italian journalist and leader of the Italian Communist party who died in Fascist prison, is considered one of the leading theorists of civil society. His ideas have become extremely influential in civil society discourse both academically and politically. The concepts of civil society, state, and hegemony are discussed in more than 30 histories written in Fascist prison and in the analysis of socialism, fascism and other issues, and in pre-prison writings.The notebooks cover many topics such as Italian history and nationalism, the French Revolution, fascism, Taylorism and Fordism, civil society, folklore, religion and high and popular culture. The main issue with Gramscian theory is its ability to interpret when dealing with modern social phenomena, such as civil society. The concept of civil society, its ideological content, and its political resources in general have been the subject of many interpretations and conflicting theories. The limit of all the analysis carried out is firstly a theoretical tradition used to understand this phenomenon, and secondly, to explain it. At the same time, the analysis is almost always related to the historical context, the historical period, in which an attempt is made to understand what is being said. In this essay, we seek to understand civil society through Gramsci, the contradictions, uncertainties, and analytical inefficiencies that its analysis leads to. This essay also will cover the concepts of hegemony and ideology in Gramsci's point of view.

Civil society appears as mediator in Gramscian theory general special interest representative

and consequently, the general inter as the place of formation and reproduction of the bourgeoisie values, the special identity of the bourgeois class, the first stage of the competition of social classes, a first stage in the struggle for ideological hegemony. Civil society hence, it appears as a place of state and state relations. Economy, private and public space, Conditions of an ideological competition hegemony. But Gramsci's The Marxist tradition can be summed up by dissolution or the separation of the concept of civil society from the narrative sequential economic interaction concept. So, interpretation the phenomenon now needs to return to the field of culture and the interaction of the values of the public and the private spheres. This change is particularly interesting when we consider it. The analysis now moves to the superstructure level,until as far as the hegemony of bourgeois values is concerned and turns the revolutionary project into an ideological project struggle for dominance state and economy. Civil society can now,according to Gramsci, it will become a modern area of the classroom struggle and competition and in a sense use it as a tool to serve the interests of the class. A broader goal of Gramscian philosophy connected with civil society and its organizations the bourgeois class itself and its ideological hegemony limiting revolutionary plans through the logic of a gradual transition. Waiting for capitalism to collapse under its internal contradictions it seems not enough revolutionary movement.

Contradictions observed in the Gramscian corps due to the unsystematic and decomposable method trying to create his political argument. This is Gramsci mainly a politician and directs his intellectual attention not in the success and formation of the revolution unitary and scientifically based text.

The role of intellectuals was the central idea of Gramsci’s thought. Karl Marx coined this term a very simple meaning by emphasizing manual and mental labor, but Gramsci gave a

a broader dimension to this idea. Gramsci, in his view, is that all men are intelligent, but they are not socially intellectual function. He made it clear: “All men are intelligent ... but not all men are present in society the function of intellectuals . He thinks that everyone is outside the scope of his profession activity performs some intellectual action. According to Gramsci, there were two types of intellectuals - “traditional” and “organic”. “First and foremost” are

“traditional” professional intellectuals, literary, scientific, and so on; its position in society has a certain inter-class aura about it, but it eventually arises hides its dependence on different historical classes, based on past and present class relations formations. Second, “organic” intellectuals have an element of thinking and organizing

a separate fundamental social class. These intellectuals are less distinguished by their

professions, rather than the idea management function, it can be any work specific to their class

the aspirations of the class to which they belong organically. ”To understand Gramsci’s idea of intellectuals, we need to observe how he demarcated between different positions of urban and rural type intellectuals. He compares the city intellectuals with "subaltern officers in the army." They developed themselves industry and they carry out a ‘production plan’, which is decided by the ‘general staff of the industry’controls the “initial stages of the work”. Antonio Gramsci “In general the average urban intelligentsia is standardized, while the highest urban intellectuals are increasingly standardized determined by the general staff of the industry itself. ”According to Gramsci, rural intellectuals are by nature more “traditional” because they remain close to the "petty bourgeois" class. These types of intellectuals carry out socio-political activities role because they create organic relationships between peasant classes and members state Gramsci also gave a distinctive class character to rural intellectuals. Rural intellectuals have a different standard of living than an ordinary farmer the community and they become a source of motivation for the peasant class to improve their standards.
Gramsci in his “prison notebooks” with his very influential notions of “hegemony” and “consent production”. Gramsci saw the capitalist state as made up of two areas that overlapped, namely, “political society” and “civil society”. This is civil society in a different sense from the “associative” view that is prevalent today, which defines civil society as a “sector” of voluntary organizations and nonprofits. Gramsci saw civil society as a public sphere in which trade unions and political parties enjoyed privileges from the bourgeois state and ideas and beliefs were formed, while bourgeois “hegemony” was propagated in cultural life through the media, universities, and religious institutions “production of consent” and legitimacy. The political and practical consequences of Gramsci's ideas were very broad, for he warned of the limited possibilities of a direct revolutionary struggle for the management of the means of production; this “war of attack” could only succeed with the previous “position war” in the form of a struggle for ideas and beliefs to create a new hegemony . The idea of this “antihegemonism” struggle - to advance alternatives to the dominant ideas that are common and legitimate - had a wide appeal in social and political movements. He also contributed to the idea that “knowledge” is a social construction that serves legitimate social structures. In practical terms, Gramsci’s insights into how power emerges in the realm of power and ideas - expressed by consent rather than by force - inspired the use of clear strategies to challenge the hegemonic norms of legitimacy. Gramsci’s ideas influenced popular educational practices, including Paulo Freyre’s “Pedagogy of the Oppressors”, methods of raising adult literacy and awareness, theology of freedom, methods of learning participatory behavior, and popular. media, many approaches to communications. and cultural movements.The government’s idea of “hegemony” has also influenced debates about civil society. Critics of the narrow-minded way of imagining civil society in liberal democratic thought unlike the state and the market - have become an “association” domain using Gramsci’s definition to remind that civil society can be a public arena of political struggle and debate over ideas and norms. The goal of “strengthening civil society” in development policy can be realized in the neo-liberal sense of building civic institutions to fill states and markets, or in the grammatical sense of shaping civic opportunities for thinking differently, to go against expectations and norms, to express new ideas and views.

Antonio Gramsci was not the first to speak of hegemony. However, who he was

expanded the idea of hegemony. Previously, it was understood how to establish hegemony for profit political power, but Gramsci was undoubtedly the first to say that hegemony was important an element for the ruling class to maintain its power and authority. According to Roger Simon “The starting point of hegemony is that the class and its representatives exercise power over the subjects lessons using a combination of coercion and persuasion. Perry Anderson thinks the term “hegemony” was first used by Plekhanov et al Russian Marxists in the 1880s. For Lenin, hegemony is the power of the working class the support of the majority. But for Gramsci, the idea was much broader. Hegemony was just that about gaining power, but it also means maintaining that power.The state establishes this hegemony through other institutions that promote state ideology. In this regard, Gramsci also talks about the role of the party in helping to promote “opposing sides'' culture 'before attempting state power. Unlike Marx, hegemony was more of a strategy Gramsci. «Historically the intellectuals of the progressive class Exercise such a force of attraction of conditions that in the final analysis they end with submission to the end intellectuals of other social groups; they thus create a system of solidarity among all intellectuals, have a psychological and often have the character of actors. Gramsci was of the opinion that a revolution could not be carried out by the proletariat when it was the ruling class had its own hegemony. In order to organize A, the intellectuals of the working class must be actively involved anti-hegemony. The working class must also come out of its narrow class interests and if they must compromise to form unity with other social forces in order to create a greater power anti-hegemony. The nobility of Gramsci’s idea of civil society lies in his understanding of authority relationship. The usual Marxist conception of the state means that power is in the hands of state However, Gramsci understood it very differently. He observed various institutions the state helps to propagate its idea and directly helps to maintain its hegemony. And so,it is important to understand the relationship between the state and its institutions Gramsci's idea of hegemony.