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private institutions relied heavily on college tuition and fees as their primary source of
revenue and thus believed that an infusion of tuition fees from Chinese students was
directly linked to their survival (Byun & Kim, 2011). Consequently,
the number of
Chinese international students studying in Korea grew more than 28 times, increasing
from approximately 1,832 Chinese students in 2001 to approximately 52,226 in 2015
(KEDI, 2015).
Simultaneously, the higher education context in China also contributed substan-
tially to the trend. Significantly contributing to the increase in the number of Chinese
international students was the country’s recent economic growth, the government’s
decision to expand the number of students whom China sent abroad, and its inade-
quate supply of Chinese universities. Dating to the early 1980s, Deng Xiaoping made
a deliberate decision to expand the number of Chinese students studying abroad to
strengthen the country’s economy and prosperity. Since then,
a considerable number
of Chinese students have studied overseas. In addition to fostering economic reform
and growth, the number of Chinese students studying abroad has increased substan-
tially in the last two decades. Consequently, China has now become the largest
exporter of international students (OECD, 2015). Among a variety of factors, how-
ever, the factor deemed to have had the greatest effect on Chinese students’ decisions
to study abroad has been the inadequate supply of universities in their home country
(Zhao & Guo, 2002).
After the Cultural Revolution had run its course, the Chinese national college
entrance examination (the Gaokao) was reintroduced in 1977. In 1977, there were only
220,000 spaces available; 30 years later, the number of spaces had grown to 5.6 mil-
lion. Despite this expansion of the Chinese
higher education sector, 6 million vacan-
cies in the Chinese higher education system existed, whereas approximately 9 million
students take China’s national college entrance examination every year (Levin, 2010).
This disparity contributed not only to a fierce competition among students on the
Chinese national college entrance examination but also to a reality that a substantial
number of students will fail to secure placement within the Chinese higher education
system. Therefore, to secure competitiveness in the job market, many Chinese stu-
dents have chosen to search outside of Mainland China
to secure postsecondary
degrees and to experience high-quality education (Davey, 2005; Yang, 2007). Thus, it
is not surprising that many Chinese parents invest up to one third of their income
(Mazzarol & Soutar, 2002) to financially support their child’s decision to study abroad.
Overall, all of the features mentioned above, that is, government support, severe com-
petition to enter college, job market conditions, and parental support, have contributed
greatly to the increasing number of Chinese students studying abroad (Duan, 1997).
Chinese students’ decisions to study in Korea are affected
by the complicated and
dynamic contexts of both Korea and China. The majority of the literature on interna-
tional students (both in Western and non-Western countries) has attempted to under-
stand the factors influencing students’ decisions regarding where to study; for a
theoretical framework, these studies have generally relied on the push–pull model.
The next section examines and addresses the literature that explores international stu-
dents’ push–pull factors.