32 See H. Bellosta, “Cinematica,” Storia della scienza, vol. III: La civilta`
islamica (Rome: 2002), 642–6.
33 See M. Rashed, “Dinamica,” Storia della scienza, vol. III: La civilta`
islamica (Rome: 2002), 624–42.
34 See Hasnawi [194], with further bibliography.
35 See M. Wolff, Fallgesetz und Massbegriff (Berlin: 1971), and M. Wolff,
“Philoponus and the Rise of Preclassical Dynamics,” in Philoponus and
the Rejection of Aristotelian Science, ed. R. Sorabji (London: 1987).
36 See Ibn Mattawayh, Tadhkira, 488.9–11 (cf. 473.9–11): “The reason why
the fall of the light body differs from the fall of the heavy body is the air
that is in the atmosphere. Because otherwise, if we threw a stone and a
feather, they would fall in the same time. But the air prevents the light
body from falling, whereas the heavy body cuts through it.”
37 For more details on this issue, see also A. Sayili, “Ibn S¯ın¯a and Buridan
on the Dynamics of Projectile Motion,” in Ibn Sı¯na¯ : O¨ lu¨mu¨ n bininci
yılı Armaflani 1984’ten ayribasim (Ankara: 1984).
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Natural philosophy 307
38 The general equivalence between the notion of mayl and i‘tima¯d was
accepted by the ancient scholars themselves (cf. Naz. ı¯f, “A¯ ra¯ ’,” 51).
39 Ibn Mattawayh, Tadhkira, 596.19–597.13.
40 Avicenna, al-Shifa¯ ’: al-t.abı¯‘iyya¯ t [Physics], vol. I, Al-sama¯ ‘ al-t.abı¯‘ı¯, ed.
S. Z¯ayid (Cairo: 1983), 325.19–326.1.
41 Avicenna, Shifa¯ ’: Physics, 212: “We say . . . that it is impossible, in
things counted and endowed with a natural or positional order (la-ha¯
tart¯ıbun f¯ı al-t.ab‘ aw f¯ı al-wad.
‘), that there be a magnitude or a number
existing that is actually infinite.”
42 Avicenna, Ta‘lı¯qa¯ t, ed. ‘A. Badawı¯ (Bengazi: 1972), 101–14, 105.6–13 in
part.
43 More on this criterion in Ibn Sı¯na¯ [Avicenna], Risa¯ la ila¯ al-wazı¯r Abı¯
Sa‘d, ed. and French trans. Y. Michot (Beirut: 2000), 32–3.
44 See A. Maier, Zwischen Philosophie und Mechanik (Rome: 1958),
12–20, and Hasnawi [195].
45 Because every instant of movement is characterized by a mayl-2, it is
useful and necessary to reform Aristotle’s doctrine and to introduce an
instantaneous movement, “the thing of which we have shown that it
is really the motion,” as Avicenna calls it (see the numerous references
collected in Hasnawi [195], 236 n. 44).
46 See Avicenna, Ta‘l¯ıq¯ at 105.14–15: wa laysa sababu istih.
a¯ latihi
awd. a¯ ‘ahu bal tawahhumahu wa ira¯datahu al-mutajaddidata tawahhuman
ba‘da tawahhumin.
47 Which explains why the criticisms of the continuists now focus on the
alleged finitism of their adversaries.
48 As it was in the Aristotelian tradition. Cf. Physics, VI, De Caelo, III.4,
303a20–4, III.7, 306a26–b2.
49 For Latin mathematical atomism, probably influenced by the
mutakallimu¯ n through the refutations of Avicenna, Averroes, and
Maimonides, see B. Pabst, Atomtheorien des lateinischen Mittelalters
(Darmstadt: 1994), 276–85 with further references.
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deborah l. black
15 Psychology: soul and intellect
Most Arabic philosophers took the general inspiration for their discussions
of soul (al-nafs) and intellect (al-‘aql) from the Arabic translations
of Aristotle’s De Anima and Parva Naturalia and later Greek
commentaries on Aristotle, although a few philosophers, such as
al-R¯az¯ı, were of a more Platonic bent.1 In addition to assimilating
Greek sources into their own philosophical psychology, Arabic
philosophers were also sensitive to the need to address the competing
views of the Islamic theologians (mutakallimu¯ n), who upheld an
atomistic metaphysics in which all created beings were understood
to be mere aggregates of atoms and accidents held together by God’s
absolute power. This yielded a bundle theory of personal identity
which left no room for an immaterial soul. Such a view of human
nature was vehemently denied by the philosophers, although it was
attractive to the theologians since it allowed them to offer an account
of the revealed doctrine of the resurrection of the body.2
the nature of the soul and its relation
to the body
Unlike their theological adversaries, all the Arabic philosophers
accepted some conception of the soul derived from the Greek tradition.
In most cases it was Aristotle’s definition of the soul in De
Anima, II.1, as the first “form” or “actuality” of a body which is
potentially alive, that held sway. Under this conception, the soul is
simply the animating and organizing principle of a body and is therefore
“inseparable from the body.”3 Most of the Arabic philosophers
also accepted Aristotle’s division of the parts and powers of the soul,
according to which “soul” is an ordered genus divided into three
308
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Psychology 309
species, corresponding to the division of living things into plants,
animals, and humans. The lowest power of the soul is the nutritive
or vegetative, which is common to all living bodies – plants, animals,
and humans alike; next is the sensitive soul, which belongs to animals
as well as humans; and finally the intellective or rational soul,
which is unique to human beings.
While this Aristotelian account of the soul was accepted by most
philosophers in the Arabic tradition, both al-R¯az¯ı and Avicenna took
exception to it in some way. In the case of al-R¯az¯ı, the entire Aristotelian
view of the soul and its powers was rejected in favor of
an account based in large part on Plato’s Timaeus.4 Al-R¯az¯ı accepts
Plato’s tripartite division of the soul into the desiderative, the spirited,
and the rational, and he upholds a belief in the transmigration
of souls which greatly downplays the divide between humans and
other animals. Al-R¯az¯ı also subscribes to the Timaeus’ conception of
aWorld Soul, from which all animal and human souls in the present
world have fallen, a Fall which he recounts in mythic form.5
Unlike al-R¯az¯ı, Avicenna does not reject the Aristotelian conception
of the soul outright, but he upholds a formof soul–body dualism
that is foreign to Aristotle. While Aristotle and most of his Arabic
followers allow for the possibility that the human intellect is separable
from the body, this holds for them only to the extent that the
intellect is separable from the rest of the soul as well. For Avicenna,
by contrast, the individual human soul is more than a physical entity
and organizing principle for the body. It is a subsistent being in its
own right, and a complete substance independent of any relation it
has to the body.6
This dualistic perspective on human nature is evident in many
places in Avicenna’s psychology, but the best-known of these is a
thought experiment that has come to be known as the “flying man,”
a precursor ofDescartes’ famous cogito, ergo sum argument inwhich
Avicenna attempts to show that human self-awareness is entirely
non-sensory.7 To conduct the experiment, the reader is asked to
imagine herself in a state in which all forms of sensory perception
are impossible. This means that one must bracket (1) all previously
acquired sense knowledge; and (2) all occurrent sensation. The first
is done by imagining oneself as newly created, but as a mature adult
with full rational capacities. The second is accomplished by imagining
oneself suspended in a void in such a way that one’s limbs
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310 deborah l. black
do not touch each other, thereby cutting oneself off from sensing
both external objects and one’s own body (hence, the label “flying
man”). Avicenna claims that even under these conditions, each of us
would undoubtedly affirm her own existence. But that affirmation
can in no way depend upon the experience of having a body, for the
very state hypothesized in the thought experiment abstracts from all
bodily experience.8
Despite his dualism, Avicenna recognizes that there are close ties
between the soul and the body. The body serves as an instrument for
the soul, and it is a necessary condition for its creation and individuation.
While this may seem to conflict with Avicenna’s claim that
the soul is subsistent, Avicenna is forced to uphold this position
on metaphysical grounds. Unlike the separate or angelic intelligences,
each individual of which constitutes a species unto itself,
“humanity” is a single species common to many individuals, and
numerical multiplicity within a species is a function of matter.
Avicenna places the creation of human souls within the framework
of his theory of emanation. Whenever the appropriate material conditions
are present in the sublunar world (that is, whenever a human
embryo is conceived), the agent intellect concomitantly creates a
human soul to inform that body. According to this picture, then, the
true cause of the existence of the individual human soul is the agent
intellect itself, and the parents merely serve to prepare a material
body appropriate for receiving it. The soul and the body are thus made
for each other, and the soul has a special attraction to its own body,
which aids it in the performance of many of its operations. This,
Avicenna argues, also refutes theories advocating the pre-existence
of a single World Soul and transmigration, such as those upheld by
al-R¯az¯ı.
Despite the soul’s dependence upon the body for its initial creation,
Avicenna denies that the soul requires the body for its continued
existence. Upon the death of the body, the soul retains its individuality
in virtue of its own intrinsic substantiality, and because
of the persistence of individuating characteristics that defined its
embodied life. The very fact of having been born with a particular
body and having uniquely individual experiences while in that body
affects the soul itself. Different souls thus achieve different levels
of perfection through the use they make of their individual bodies,
and those differences will remain after death.9 Thus, Avicenna alone
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among the fala¯ sifa upholds the personal immortality of the individual
human soul.
soul as a principle of cognition
One of the most important functions of the soul is to serve as the
principle of cognition, both sensitive and intellectual. In the Arabic
tradition, the divide between the senses and the intellect was a fundamental
assumption of all cognitive psychology, and the contribution
of the senses to human knowledge was always subordinated to that of
the intellect, on the grounds that sensation is always of the particular
and operates through a bodily organ, whereas true knowledge is of the
universal. Despite their professed devaluation of sense-knowledge,
however, some of the most original developments in Arabic philosophy
arise from the efforts of Arabic philosophers to explain the nature
and mechanics of sense-perception.
Moreover, while a deep chasm is posited between sense and intellect
in terms of their cognitive value, the Arabic philosophers offered
a general theory of the nature of cognition that was applicable to
both sensation and intellection. The ultimate foundation of their
theory was Aristotle’s description of cognition as the reception of
the form of the perceived object without its matter.10 The result
of their attempts to explain and expand upon this remark was the
theory that intentionality is the mark of cognition.
“Intentionality” is a concept that continues to influence contemporary
philosophy of mind, where it refers to the directedness of
mental states toward objects, and it has a similar meaning in its original
usage in Arabic philosophy. In the technical terminology of the
Arabic philosophers, an “intention” (ma‘nan) – literally a “meaning”
or an “idea” – is a formor essence insofar as it is apprehended by any
cognitive faculty and serves as an object for that faculty. There are
thus different types of intentions corresponding to the various cognitive
faculties – color and sound are sensible intentions, for example;
images are intentions in the faculty of imagination; and universal
concepts are intelligible or understood intentions. The exact origins
of the philosophers’ concept of intentionality are unclear, and no
completely satisfactory explanation has been offered. One important
precedent comes from the Islamic mutakallimu¯ n, for whom
ma‘nan was one of the technical terms for accidents.11 As for the
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312 deborah l. black
English term “intention,” it came to be applied to the Arabic concept
through the use of intentio as the medieval Latin translation of
ma‘nan. While not a literal rendition of the Arabic, the term nicely
reflects one of the few explicit definitions of intentionality offered by
Avicenna inhis Interpretation. According to this definition,ma‘a¯nin
are “what is intended by the soul” (maqa¯ s. ida li-al-nafs), that is, they
are the things that linguistic expressions are meant to signify.12 For
Avicenna intentionality is interpreted as the mental existence of the
formor quiddity that is perceived in the soul of the perceiver, and it is
closely connected to his metaphysical distinction between essence
and existence.13 While Averroes rejects the metaphysical basis for
Avicenna’s understanding of intentions, he too upholds the thesis
that as sensible, imagined, or intelligible intentions, the forms of
the objects that we know can be said to exist in some way in our
souls, so that all cognized forms have two “subjects.” One subject,
the “subject of truth,” is the object to which the cognitive act refers,
and by which its truth or falsity is determined, ultimately, the extramental
thing itself. The other subject, the “subject of existence,” is
the faculty inwhich the form exists as an intention, be it the senses,
the imagination, or the intellect.14
In addition to providing the foundation for the Arabic theory of
intentionality, the claim that cognition involves the reception of
form apart from matter also led the Arabic philosophers to interpret
not only intellectual cognition, but also sensation, as a type of
abstraction (tajr¯ıd). Hence all cognition came to be viewed as a hierarchy
of grades of abstraction beginning with the senses and reaching
its apex in the intellect. The abstractive hierarchy receives its
first explicit formulation with Avicenna, who defines “perception”
(idra¯k) as the “grasping (akhdh) of the formof the thing apprehended
in some way,” adding that “the kinds of abstraction vary and differ in
degree.”15 Avicenna identifies four grades of abstraction, with sensation
the lowest, intellection the highest, and the two middle grades
occupied by the faculties which were known in the Arabic tradition
as “the internal senses” (al-h. aw¯ ass al-b¯ at.
ina).16
The doctrine of the internal senses is an attempt to expand and systematize
Aristotle’s account of the pre-intellectual capacities of the
soul that could not simply be explained as functions of the five external
senses of vision, hearing, smell, taste, and touch. Among these
capacities were the common sense (koinˆe aisthˆesis), the imagination
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Psychology 313
(phantasia), and memory. The doctrine of the internal senses also
drew upon later Greek developments in physiology stemming from
the physician Galen. Like the external senses, the internal senses
require a bodily organ to performtheir operations, usually identified
as the brain, following Galen, or less frequently the heart, following
Aristotle.
The theory of the internal senses is not yet evident in al-F ¯ar¯ab¯ı’s
writings of undisputed authenticity.17 Al-F¯ar¯ab¯ı presents instead a
sparse Aristotelian scheme that includes the common sense power,
which is assigned the task of collecting and collating the information
provided by the five senses, and the imagination, both of which are
localized in the heart rather than the brain. Initially, al-F ¯ar¯ab¯ı assigns
two functions to the imagination, the capacity to retain sensible
impressions when the external object itself is absent, and the ability
to compose and divide these retained impressions into combinations
that may or may not represent real objects in the external world. To
these two he later adds a third function, “imitation” (muh. a¯ka¯ t), by
which he seems to mean the depiction of an object by means of
an image other than its own. To imitate x, then, is to imagine x by
depicting it under sensible qualities that do not describe its own sensible
appearance. Through imitation, the imagination can represent
not only sensible bodies, but also bodily temperaments, emotions,
and even abstract universals, as happens when evil, for example, is
symbolized by the image of darkness.18 The imitative capacities of
imagination are also the foundation for al-F ¯ar¯ab¯ı’s characterization
of the prophet, that is, the founder of a religion. In virtue of possessing
a strong imaginative faculty, the prophet is able to receive an
“overflow” of intelligibles into his imagination, where they become
subject to symbolic imitation. Through these symbols and images,
the prophet can communicate abstract truths in concrete terms that
can be understood by simple believers.
The full spectrum of internal sense powers makes its first appearance
in the works of Avicenna, who posits five internal sense powers,
each assigned to its own location within the ventricles of the brain.
Avicenna justifies his positing of each of these sense powers by a set
of principles for differentiating psychological faculties. Of these principles,
two are fundamental. The first is the claimthat the reception
and retention of sensibles must be functions of distinct faculties, a
principle supported by the observation that in the physical world
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314 deborah l. black
what receives an imprint easily, for example, water, does not retain
that imprint well. The second is the claim that a diversity of objects
diversifies faculties. The most innovative and influential part of
Avicenna’s theory of the internal senses is his assertion that perceptual
objects are of two types. One sort of perceptual object is a
sensible form, that is, an image of one of the five proper sensibles
of color, sound, taste, smell, and texture, or an image of one of the
common sensibles, objects perceptible by two or more senses, such
as motion, magnitude, and shape. The other sort of object is one that
Avicenna calls an “intention” (ma‘nan), using the same term that
Arabic philosophers had adopted to signify the object of any cognitive
faculty.
In the context of the internal senses, Avicenna defines an “intention”
as a property which is not essentially material or sensible, but
which in some way accompanies a sensible form. Avicenna often
illustrates this with the example of the sheep’s instinctive perception
of hostility in the wolf. “Hostility” is not itself a sensible form
like color or motion, but it must still be an object of sense perception
in some way, for animals perceive intentions of this sort. Indeed, it
is our observation of animal behavior and the underlying perceptual
capacities that such behavior presupposes that requires the positing
of an internal sense faculty for grasping intentions, since animals do
not have reason or intellect. Avicenna calls the faculty which grasps
intentions “estimation” (wahm).19 Nonetheless, Avicenna does not
confine estimation to animals, and humans too have an estimative
faculty. Nor does Avicenna limit estimative intentions to affective
properties such as hostility and friendliness. Rather, the estimative
faculty ultimately functions as the animal analogue to the intellect,
directing and controlling all the judgments of the sensitive soul and
allowing it to associate sensible descriptionswith individual objects,
a capacitywhich Aristotle calls “incidental” perception, for example,
my perception of the white thing as Diares’ son.20
From the principles we have examined, Avicenna deduces four of
the five internal sense faculties: the common sense receives, distinguishes,
and collates sensible forms from the external senses,
and they are then stored in the retentive imagination (al-khaya¯ l),
sometimes called the formative faculty (al-mus.
awwira); estimation
receives non-sensible intentions, and they are retained in the memorative
faculty. Avicenna also posts a fifth internal sense power, the
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Psychology 315
compositive imagination (al-mutakhayyila), which is the ability to
manipulate images and intentions rather than receive them passively
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