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— 124 such Jews; by the 8th of March in Odessa — 60. On the 9th of March the City Duma of
Kiev, not waiting for the upcoming elections, included in its body five Jews with voting power.
And here — on March 20 the Provisional Government made a resolution, prepared by the
Minister of Justice, A. Kerensky, with the participation of members of the political bureau of
Jewish deputies in the 4th State Duma,, legislated an act, published on March 22, that repealed
all restrictions on the rights of Russian citizens, regardless of religious creed, dogma or
nationality. This was,
in essence, the first broad legislative act of the Provisional Government. At
the request of the political bureaus (of Jewish deputies), the Jews were not specifically
mentioned in the resolution.
But in order to “repeal all the restrictions on Jews in all of our laws, in order to uproot …
completely the inequality of Jews,” G.B. Sliozberg recalls, “it was necessary to make a complete
list of all the restrictions … and the collation of the list of laws to be repealed required great
thoroughness and experience.” (This task was undertaken by Sliozberg and L.M. Bramson.) The
Jewish Encyclopedia says: “The Act listed the statutes of Russian law that were being abolished
by the Act — almost all those statutes (there were nearly 150) contained some or other anti-
Jewish restrictions. Subject to repeal were, in part, all proscriptions connected to the Pale of
Settlement; thereby its factual liquidation in 1915 was legally validated. The restrictions were
removed layer by layer: travel, habitation, educational institutions, participation in local self-
government, the right to acquire property anywhere in Russia, participation in government
contracts, from
stock exchanges,
hiring servants, workers and stewards
of a different religion, the
right to occupy high positions in the government and military service, guardianship and
trusteeship. Recalling a cancellation of an agreement with the United States, they repealed
similar restrictions on “foreigners who are not at war with the Russian government,” mainly in
reference to Jews coming from the United States.
The promulgation of the Act inspired many emotional speeches. Deputy Freedman of the
State Duma asserted: “For the past thirty-five years the Jews have been subjected to oppression
and humiliation, unheard of and unprecedented even in the history of our long suffering people.
All of it was the result of state-sponsored anti-Semitism.” Attorney O.O. Gruzenberg stated: “If
the pre-Revolution Russian government was a vast and monstrous prison then its most stinking,
terrible cell, its torture chamber was carted away for us, the six million Jewish people. And for
the first time the Jewish child learned about this usurious term ‘interest’ in the state school….
Like hard labor camp prisoners on their way to camp, all Jews were chained together as despised
aliens…. The drops of blood of our fathers and mothers, the drops of blood of our sisters and
brothers
fell on our souls, there igniting and enlivening the unextinguishable Revolutionary fire.”
Rosa Georgievna, the wife of Vinaver, recalls: “The events (of the March 1917
Revolution) coincided with the Jewish Passover. It looked like this was a second escape from
Egypt. Such a long, long path of suffering and struggle has passed, and how quickly everything
had happened. A large Jewish meeting was called at which Milyukov spoke: “At last, a shameful
spot has been washed away from Russia, which can now bravely step into the ranks of civilized
nations.”
Vinaver proposed to the gathering to build “a large Jewish public house in Petrograd in
memory of
the meeting, which will be called The House of Freedom.”
Three members of the State Duma, M. Bomash, E. Gurevich and N.
Freedman published an open
letter to the Jewish people: that now “our military misfortunes could deal grave damage to the
still infirm free Russia. Free Jewish warriors will draw new strength for the ongoing struggle,
with the tenfold energy extending the great feat of arms.” And here was the natural plan: “The
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Jewish people should quickly re-organize their society. The long-obsolete forms of our
communal life must be renewed
on the free, democratic principles.”
The author-journalist David Eisman responded to the Act with an outcry: “Our
Motherland! Our Fatherland! They are in trouble! With all our hearts we will defend our land.
Not since the defense of the Temple has there been such a sacred feat of arms.”
Yet from the memoirs of Sliozberg: “The great fortune to have lived to see the day of the
declaration of emancipation of Jews in Russia and the elimination of our lack of rights —
everything I have fought for with all my strength over the course of three decades — did not fill
me with the joy as it should have done,” because the collapse had begun right away. Seventy
years later one Jewish author expressed doubts too: “Did that formal legislative Act really
change the situation in the country, where all legal norms were precipitously losing their
power?” We answer: in hindsight, from great distance, one should not downplay the significance
of what was achieved. Then the Act suddenly and dramatically improved the situation of the
Jews. As for the rest of the country, falling with all its peoples, into an abyss — that was the
unpredictable way of the history.
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