The ministry of higher and secondary education of the republic of uzbekistan the uzbekistan state world languages university english faculty II

MUSTAQIL ISHNI TAYYORLASH VA RASMIYLASHTIRISH BO‘YICHA NAMUNA


THE MINISTRY OF HIGHER AND SECONDARY EDUCATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN
THE UZBEKISTAN STATE WORLD LANGUAGES UNIVERSITY
ENGLISH FACULTY II
ENGLISH LANGUAGE TEACHING METHODOLOGY DEPARTMENT №2
INDEPENDENT WORK
SELF-STUDY


THEME: Periods in the history of English
Done by: 4th year student
Student: Sadullaeva Nodira
Group №: 1803
English faculty II
Scientific adviser:
Ahmedov Oybek _____
CONTENTS

I. INTRODUCTION

II. CHAPTER ONE. Old English (500-1100 AD)
§ 1.1. The origin of the English language
§ 1.2. Periods in the history of the English language
§ 1.3. American version of English
III. CHAPTER TWO. The Norman Conquest and Middle English (1100-1500)
§2.1. Dialects used in this period
IV. CHAPTER THREE . Modern English (1500-nresent)
§3.1 Early Modern English (1500-1800)
§ 3.2 Late-Modern English (1800-Present)IV. CONCLUSION
V. GLOSSARY
VI. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Сhapter 1. Old English (500-1100 AD)
§ 1.1. The origin of the English language

The XIV–XVcc. saw the decay of feudalism and the birth of new capitalist relations.

The downfall of feudalism was accompanied by a civil war known as the Wars of Roses (1455-1485). It ended in the battle of Bosworth with the victory of Henry Tudor (Henry the 7th) over Richard the 3rd and the establishment of the absolute power of Tudors. Henry the 7th reduced the power of old nobles and created a new aristocracy out of gentry and town bourgeoisie.
In the XVI c. England became one of the most developed industrial countries of Europe.
The economic concentration and the rise of common market produced great changes in social life and stimulated a renewed interest in learning, science, classical art and literature, in Latin and Greek.
The great geographical discoveries gave a new impetus to the progress of trade and the establishment of ties with Italy, Spain, Russia and the New World. Hence, there came many borrowings from Italian, Spanish, Russian and the language of American Indians.
The economic and political unification played a decisive role in the development of the English nation and new social classes.
One of the most characteristic features of a nation is the national language, which stands above all territorial and social dialects and unites the whole nation.


§ 1.2. Periods in the history of the English language

The English language belongs to the West Germanic branch of the Indo-European family of languages. The closest to English language are Scots and Frisian. Frisian is a language spoken by approximately half a million people in the Dutch province of Friesland, in nearby areas of Germany, and on a few islands in the North Sea.

The English language history has three main periods: Old English (450-1100 AD), Middle English (1100-circa 1500 AD) and Modern English (since 1500). Over the centuries, the English language has been influenced by many other languages.
Old English (450 - 1100 AD): During the 5th Century AD, from various parts of what today is northern Germany and Denmark, three Germanic tribes - Angles, Saxons, and Jutes crossed the North Sea and came to the British Isles. These three tribes pushed out most of the Britons, Celtic-speaking inhabitants from England into Scotland, Wales, and Cornwall. One group of them moved to the Brittany Coast of France where today their descendants still speak the Celtic Language of Breton.
Through the years, the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes mixed their different Germanic dialects. This group of dialects forms what linguists refer to as Old English or Anglo-Saxon. The word "English" was in Old English "Englisc", and that derives from the name of the Angles. The Angles were named from Englaland, their land of origin, from which is the word "England".


§ 1.3. American version of English

American English varieties include many patterns of pronunciation, vocabulary, grammar, and particularly spelling that are unified nationwide but distinct from other English dialects around the world. Any American or Canadian accent perceived as without noticeably local, ethnic, or cultural markers is popularly called "General" or "Standard" American, a fairly uniform accent continuum native to certain regions of the U.S. and associated nationally with broadcast mass media and highly educated speech. However, historical and present linguistic evidence does not support the notion of there being one single "mainstream" American accent. The sound of American English continues to evolve, with some local accents disappearing, but several larger regional accents having emerged in the 20th century.
American English has always shown a marked tendency to use words in different parts of speech and nouns are often used as verbs. Examples of nouns that are now also verbs are interview, advocate, vacuum, lobby, pressure, rear-end, transition, feature, profile, hashtag, head, divorce, loan, estimate, X-ray, spearhead, skyrocket, showcase, bad-mouth, vacation, major, and many others. 
Compounds coined in the U.S. are for instance foothill, landslide (in all senses), backdrop, teenager, brainstorm, bandwagon, hitchhike, smalltime, and a huge number of others. Other compound words have been founded based on industrialization and the wave of the automobile: five-passenger car, four-door sedan, two-door sedan, and station-wagon (called an estate car in England). Some are euphemistic (human resources, affirmative action, correctional facility). Many compound nouns have the verb-and-preposition combination: stopover, lineup, tryout, spin-off, shootout, holdup, hideout, comeback, makeover, and many more. Some prepositional and phrasal verbs are in fact of American origin (win out, hold up, back up/off/down/out, face up to and many others).
West Germanic invaders from Jutland and southern Denmark: the Angles (whose name is the source of the words England and English), Saxons, and Jutes, began populating the British Isles in the fifth and sixth centuries AD. They spoke a mutually intelligible language, similar to modern Frisian—the language of northeastern region of the Netherlands – that is called Old English. Four major dialects of Old English emerged, Northumbrian in the north of England, Mercian in the Midlands, West Saxon in the south and west, and Kentish in the Southeast.

These invaders pushed the original, Celtic-speaking inhabitants out of what is now England into Scotland, Wales, Cornwall, and Ireland, leaving behind a few Celtic words. Also influencing English at this time were the Vikings. Norse invasions, beginning around 850, brought many North Germanic words into the language, particularly in the north of England, and influenced grammar greatly.

Old English, whose best known surviving example is the poem Beowulf, lasted until about 1100. This last date is rather arbitrary, but most scholars choose it because it is shortly after the most important event in the development of the English language, the Norman Conquest

CHAPTER TWO. The Norman Conquest and Middle English (1100-1500)

William the Conqueror, the Duke of Normandy, invaded and conquered England and the Anglo-Saxons in 1066 AD at the battle of Hastings. The new overlords spoke a dialect of Old French known as Anglo-Norman. The Normans were also of Germanic stock and Anglo-Norman was a French dialect that had considerable Germanic influences in addition to the basic Latin roots. As a result, many words commonly used by the aristocracy have Romanic roots and words frequently used by the Anglo-Saxon commoners have Germanic roots (not always, of course). Sometimes French words replaced Old English words, other times, French and Old English components combined to form a new word, or even two different words with roughly the same meaning survive into modern English.

In 1204 AD, King John lost the province of Normandy to the King of France. This began a process where the Norman nobles of England became increasingly estranged from their French cousins. England became the chief concern of the nobility, rather than their estates in France, and consequently the nobility adopted a modified English as their native tongue. About 150 years later, the Black Death (1349-50) killed about one third of the English population. The laboring and merchant classes grew in economic and social importance, and along with them English increased in importance compared to Anglo-Norman. This mixture of the two languages came to be known as Middle English. The most famous example of Middle English is Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales.

By 1362, the linguistic division between the nobility and the commoners was largely over, in that year, the Statute of Pleading was adopted, which made English the language of the courts and it began to be used in Parliament.

The Middle English period came to a close around 1500 AD with the rise of Modern English.

As in modern English, the only regular noun inflection was the -s ending of the genitive and plural: irregular plurals were mostly the same as those that have survived into recent English. The use of an apostrophe in the genitive singular was optional in the sixteenth century; it was frequent in the seventeenth, but only became established around 1700. In the genitive plural the apostrophe was not used in this period.

An alternative form of the genitive singular throughout the period was the so-called ‘possessive dative’ as in ‘Job’s Patience, Moses his Meekness, Abraham’s Faith’ (Richard Franck, 1694). This was most commonly used after nouns ending in -s referring to masculines, perhaps because it was practically identical in sound with the regular genitive ending in -(e)s. A parallel use with her, e.g. ‘The Excellency of our Church her burial office’, and with their, also occurred.
In Middle English the group genitive (i.e. the genitive of a complex noun phrase like the king of England) was a split construction, e.g. ‘the kinges wyf of England’: this construction was still found in early modern English but was replaced by the familiar constructions seen in ‘the wife of the king of England’ or ‘the king of England’s wife’.
Adjective gradation. All three alternatives easier, more easy, and more easier, were acceptable in this period. In standard English, the rule by which –er and –est are preferred in monosyllabic words and more and most are used in polysyllabic ones, with variation in disyllabic words, was established by the late seventeenth century. In regional dialects -er continued to be preferred in all words, however long. The double comparative was generally used for emphasis (and was praised by the dramatist Ben Jonson).
Personal pronouns. In the second person, by 1600 ye was a rare alternative to you; no case distinction remained (in earlier English, ye was the subjective case and you the objective). The use of you as a ‘polite’ form of address to a single person progressively encroached on thou (originally the singular pronoun) until by 1600 thou (and its objective case thee) was restricted to ‘affective’ (both positive and negative) uses (i.e. so as to be intimate or disparaging). By the late seventeenth century you had become normal in almost all contexts and thou and thee were limited to the Bible and religious use, the Quakers, and regional dialects.
In the third person, the possessive of it was his until around 1600. Various alternatives arose, including it (‘it had it head bit off beit (= by it) young’, King Lear) and thereof (‘Sufficient vnto the daye, is the trauayle therof’, Great Bible, 1539); its first appeared in print in the 1590s and was rapidly accepted into the standard language.
Reflexive pronouns. The earlier use of the simple objective pronouns me, thee, us, and so on, became restricted largely to poetic use during the period, as in this example from Milton’s Paradise Lost: ‘Take to thee from among the Cherubim Thy choice of flaming Warriours’. Forms in –self (which early had been restricted to emphatic use) now became the usual ones; plurals—with –selves (replacing –self) after plural pronouns—made their appearance in the early sixteenth century.

Relative pronouns. The relative pronoun that remained common (as it still is), but a number of alternatives existed during the period. the which was inherited from Middle English but became rare by the mid-seventeenth century. which could be used for both persons and things but became rare for persons after 1611. who as a relative pronoun was rare in the fifteenth century and gradually became commoner in the period. The use of the so-called ‘zero relative’ (i.e. no pronoun at all) arose in Middle English but was rare in the sixteenth century. In the early modern period it could be used where the relative was the subject of its clause as well as object (now largely non-standard or poetic), e.g. ‘Life it self..is a burden [zero relative] cannot be born under the lasting..pressure of such an uneasiness’ (John Locke, 1694).

The co-occurrence rules for determiners were somewhat different from those in later modern English. Notably common was the sequence of demonstrative + possessive + noun (‘this your son’).

Lexical knowledge required for the appropriate use of words in connected speech includes knowledge of the words’ semantic, syntactic, and phonological properties. In current theories of representation and access to lexical knowledge in speech production (e.g., Roelofs, 1992; Caramazza, 1997; Levelt et al., 1999), it is assumed that these three aspects of lexical knowledge are represented at three independent levels within the word production system and accessed in two steps: first, a lexical unit, corresponding to a lexical node within a network model, is activated on the basis of the semantic properties of the target word; then, the lexical node spreads its activation independently to phoneme nodes, on the one hand, and to syntactic nodes, on the other hand, thus allowing the independent retrieval of the word’s phonological content and syntactic features such as grammatical category and gender, respectively. Once retrieved, the word’s syntactic features act as constraints for phrase and sentence planning processes. Thus, grammatical category information determines the appropriate syntactic environment for the word, and gender information, the appropriate form of other lexical units like determiners and adjectives in gender-sensitive languages1. Moreover, a central assumption of these theories, which is the focus of this study, is that the successful retrieval of a word does not depend on the prior access to its syntactic features2 nor could it be influenced in any way by the level of activation or availability of these syntactic features. This is because, in these theories, the activation flow between a lexical node and its corresponding syntactic nodes is unidirectional, that is, spreading from the lexical node to syntactic nodes and not vice versa, and that the syntactic nodes are not connected to phoneme nodes.

This view on the role of lexical syntactic information within the word production system was motivated mainly by empirical evidence pertaining to a specific kind of lexical syntactic information, namely, grammatical gender. Yet there is no a priori reason to consider that conclusions drawn for gender apply to other syntactic properties as well. The different kinds of syntactic properties indeed differ in several aspects. Thus, grammatical gender and category have distinct functions in sentence planning and word formation processes; moreover, gender and category are differently predictable from the word’s conceptual features (e.g., Berg, 1992). These differences may have consequences on how they are represented and processed during word retrieval. However, there is little evidence available to date as regards the role of lexical syntactic properties other than gender in word retrieval. The purpose of this study was to seek empirical evidence pertaining to grammatical category information. In particular, inspired by evidence from neuropsychological studies, we entertained the hypothesis that, contrary to information about its gender, information about the grammatical category of a word directly impacts spoken word retrieval.

Evidence pertaining to the role of grammatical gender in word retrieval came, first, from studies of the “tip-of-the-tongue” (TOT) phenomenon (for review, see Brown, 1991). These studies found that, when subjects experience a word in a TOT state, they nevertheless could report its grammatical gender or initial phoneme at better than chance rates (Caramazza and Miozzo, 1997; Miozzo and Caramazza, 1997; Vigliocco et al., 1997). Moreover, and importantly, the subjects could report the initial phoneme of words in TOT states even when they could not report their grammatical gender, which indicates that the retrieval of a word’s phonological properties does not strictly depend on the prior successful retrieval of its syntactic properties (e.g., Caramazza and Miozzo, 1997; Miozzo and Caramazza, 1997). Other evidence in support of this view includes response latency data in picture naming experiments using the picture–word interference paradigm. In these experiments, subjects had to name pictures of objects either with a bare noun or a noun phrase (Determiner + Noun or Determiner + Adjective + Noun) while ignoring a distractor word presented simultaneously. The distractor and target word were either gender-congruent (e.g., both feminine) or gender-incongruent (e.g., feminine distractor and masculine target). In the noun phrase production condition, naming latencies were found to be significantly shorter when the distractor and target word were gender-congruent than when they were gender-incongruent (Schriefers, 1993; van Berkum, 1997; La Heij et al., 1998; Schriefers and Teruel, 2000). However, this gender-congruency effect was consistently not found when subjects had to produce a bare noun (Jescheniak, 1994, cited in Levelt et al., 1999; Caramazza et al., 2001; La Heij et al., 1998; Starreveld and La Heij, 2004; for consistent results with a different paradigm, see also Vigliocco et al., 2004; but see Cubelli et al., 2005). On the whole, these results suggest that priming gender information did not facilitate or affect in any way the production of the target noun itself. The facilitation effect observed in the noun phrase condition most likely arises during the selection of the appropriate determiner for the target noun (Caramazza et al., 2001; Schiller and Caramazza, 2003). The retrieval process of the target noun, however, appears insensitive to the relative availability of information about its grammatical gender.

IV.CHAPTER THREE . Modern English (1500-nresent)

Early Modern English (1500-1800)

The next wave of innovation in English came with the Renaissance. The revival of classical scholarship brought many classical Latin and Greek words into the Language.

Elizabethan English, has much more in common with our language today than it does with the language of Chaucer. Many familiar words and phrases were coined or first recorded by Shakespeare, some 2,000 words and countless catch-phrases are his.

Two other major factors influenced the language and served to separate Middle and Modern English. The first was the Great Vowel Shift. This was a change in pronunciation that began around 1400. Long vowel sounds began to be made higher in the mouth and the letter “e” at the end of words became silent. In linguistic terms, the shift was rather sudden, the major changes occurring within a century. The shift is still not over, however, vowel sounds are still shortening although the change has become considerably more gradual.

The last major factor in the development of Modern English was the advent of the printing press. William Caxton brought the printing press to England in 1476 (the first printed book in Britain – translation of the History of Troy). Books became cheaper and as a result, literacy became more common. The printing press brought standardization to English. The dialect of London, where most publishing houses were located, became the standard. Spelling and grammar became fixed, and the first English dictionary was published in 1604.

2. Late-Modern English (1800-Present)

The principal distinction between early- and late-modern English is vocabulary. Pronunciation, grammar, and spelling are largely the same, but Late-Modern English has many more words. These words are the result of two historical factors. The first is the Industrial Revolution and the rise of the technological society. This necessitated new words for things and ideas that had not previously existed. The second was the British Empire. At its height, Britain ruled one quarter of the earth’s surface, and English adopted many foreign words and made them its own.