The Rise and Fall oF The MiliTaRy–PoliTical–agRiculTuRal
coMPlex
The international relations approach, whatever its questionable
aspects, places an important emphasis on the role of systems and
constraints in determining the course of historical events. Roman
imperialists were never in the position of making entirely free
decisions; their choices were always conditioned, partly by external
circumstances and partly by the workings of their own society.
Whether or not this was entirely a response to the hostility of their
environment, war was internalised to the extent of being not merely
an expectation and an ideal for Rome’s elite but a requirement for
the proper functioning of society. There were two different, inter-
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dependent processes in Rome which drove the acquisition of empire
and the defeat of all significant external threats. In due course, as a
result of their very success, they also became a source of disruption
and social breakdown, bringing about the collapse of the Roman
political system, its refoundation as an autocracy and significant
changes in external behaviour, as the price of retaining the Empire.
The first process has already been mentioned: the cycle of
accumulation of the Roman elite.
40
The ultimate goal was family
power and prestige: material resources were accumulated as a
means of gaining status and, especially, of gaining the opportunity
for military glory by holding political office; political and military
power were used as a means of accumulating material resources.
There was no logical end to the cycle, no point at which a family or
individual might conclude that they had amassed sufficient wealth
and honours, only an incessant comparison with the successes of
other families and individuals in accumulation. However, the success
of Roman imperialism and the stability of Roman society, which
created these opportunities for elite aggrandisement, depended on
ensuring a balance between competition and solidarity, and thus on
imposing a certain number of rules on the contest. The great fear
was that one individual might gain an excess of power and seek to
take over the game altogether, so the system incorporated a range
of checks: the short duration of magistracies; limits on the number
of terms; set periods between one magistracy and the next; the
principle of collegiality, so that the actions of every magistrate were
subject to the veto of a colleague with equal powers and status; laws
to try to control the scale of resources that could be expended in
competition for office; and the informal sanctions at the disposal of
the senate, such as threatening to withhold honours from successful
generals if they over-stepped the boundaries. The system sought to
ensure that individual and state interests reinforced one another to
the benefit of both; it encouraged fierce competition, in the service
of the power of Rome as a whole, not least through the way that
the most able were forced to exert themselves ever harder as they
climbed up the
cursus honorum
. Every year, 20
quaestors
(the lowest
level of magistrate) were elected; in due course, the survivors of
those 20 would be competing with one another, and with older
senators, for just two consulships.
41
The cycle of elite accumulation drove Rome’s tendency to make
war; however, it would never have endured or even come into
existence without the support of a second process that made Rome’s
sustained military activities possible.
42
This process operated within
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ThE roman EmpIrE
Roman and Italian society as a whole, and might be termed a cycle
of sustainability; its effect was that war became embedded in the
economy and society. For centuries Roman wars were fought with
citizen militias, both Roman citizens and the troops supplied by
the allies, founded on the sort of peasant patriarch whose image
dominated later Roman literature as the essence of true Romanness,
fighting for the most part during the quiet agricultural season. War
served as a means for the profit of the elite without alienating the
masses; taxes were kept low, partly because the state provided
only very limited services and partly because the system was
organised around military service as an alternative means of surplus
appropriation.
43
The peasants benefited both directly (from booty)
and indirectly (from low taxes and public amenities) as a result of
successful conquest; war could therefore be used as a distraction and
an outlet for the energies of the masses, which might otherwise have
been directed against the dominance of the elite – certainly this was
how some ancient sources presented it. Even when military service
became more arduous with the expansion of the Empire, because
of year-round garrison duties, long wars and distant overseas
commitments, it remained manageable because of the way that the
life-cycle of the peasant family worked; a farm could cope with the
absence of a son for a period of years, and benefited, or at least was
compensated, from the additional income from wages and booty.
For the individual household, of course, it was a serious problem
if their son was killed or crippled, especially if he was the only heir.
As far as Italian society as a whole was concerned, however, the
effort was sustainable; Italy benefited from the influx of revenue as
well as from the ‘demographic sink’ effect because war casualties
kept population growth low, and thus ensured that living standards
were maintained, or possibly even improved, without any increase
in productivity. However, this meant that regular wars became a
necessity; without the flow of tribute and the draining of excess
manpower, the Italian population might have risen relative to the
available resources, leading to widespread impoverishment and the
possibility of rebellion against those who controlled the lion’s share
of social wealth. That is not to say that the Roman elite perceived the
situation in these terms or were conscious of its underlying dynamic;
they simply took advantage of the willingness of their citizens to
fight and the availability of troops from their Italian allies. Behind
the scenes, Italian society had become geared to regular war, both
culturally and economically; Rome rarely had problems in finding
soldiers for its conflicts, even in the periods of more or less constant
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war up to the second century, so there was no constraint on the
drive to accumulation of the elite.
44
For centuries, Roman imperial expansion was driven by the
interaction and reciprocal reinforcement of these two cycles. By
the middle of the second century, however, problems were beginning
to emerge, largely as a result of the system’s success. The conquest
of the wealthy east, above all, brought about a dramatic increase in
the profits to be made from political offices; so did the competition
for them, and so too the amount of expenditure now required to
have a reasonable chance of getting elected. Family resources were
often no longer sufficient; Roman notables began to speculate on the
potential rewards of office, and their willingness to spend heavily
on gaining supporters and bribing the electorate then created the
necessity for them either to launch a grand military campaign or
to despoil their province in order to pay off the debts they had
accumulated. It is clear that many senators chose to opt out of this
increasingly uncontrolled competition, content to reach the lowest
tier of the
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