-77
-
All this together indicates a highly energetic picture of enforcement. But the government
acknowledged its insufficient preparedness. An official statement said that during the Kiev
pogrom the measures to restrain the crowds were not taken with sufficient timeliness and energy.
In a report to His Majesty in June 1881 the Director of the Police Department, V.K. Plehve,
named the fact that courts martial “treated the accused extremely leniently and in general dealt
with the matter quite superficially” as “one of the reasons for the development and insufficiently
quick suppression of the disorders’” Alexander III made a note in the report: “This is
inexcusable.”
But forthwith and later it did not end without accusations that the pogroms were arranged
by the government itself – a completely unsubstantiated accusation, much less absurd, since in
April 1881 the same liberal reformer Loris Melikov headed the government, and all his people
were in power in the upper administration. After 1917, a group of researchers – S. Dubnov, G.
Krasniy-Admoni, and S. Lozinskiy – thoroughly searched for the proof in all the opened
government archives and only found the opposite, beginning with the fact that Alexander III
himself demanded an energetic investigation. But to utterly ruin Czar Alexander III’s reputation
a nameless someone invented the malicious slander that the Czar – unknown to anyone, when,
and under what circumstances – said: “And I admit that I myself am happy when they beat
Jews!” And this was accepted and printed in émigré liberation brochures, it went into liberal
folklore, and even until now, after 100 years, it has turned up in publications as historically
reliable.
And even in the
Short Jewish Encyclopedia: “The authorities acted in close contact with
the arrivals,” that is, with outsiders. And it was “clear” to Tolstoy in Yasnaya Polyana that it was
“obvious”: all matters were in the hands of the authorities. If “they wanted one they could bring
on a pogrom; if they didn’t want one there would be no pogrom.”
As a matter of fact, not only was there no incitement on the part of the government, but as
Gessen points out: “the rise of numerous pogrom brigades in a short time in a vast area and the
very character of their actions eliminates the thought of the presence of a single organizational
center.”
And here is another contemporary, living testimony from a pretty much unexpected
quarter – from the Black Repartition’s Worker’s Leaflet; that is, a proclamation to the people, in
June 1881. The revolutionary leaflet thus described the picture: “Not only all the governors, but
all other officials, police, troops, priests,
zemstvo [elected district councils], and journalists –
stood up for the kulak-Jews…The government protects the person and property of the Jews.”
Threats are announced by the governors “that the perpetrators of the riots will be dealt with
according to the full extent of the law…The police looked for people who were in the crowd [of
pogromists], arrested them, dragged them to the police station…Soldiers and Cossacks used the
rifle butt and the whip…they beat the people with rifles and whips…some were prosecuted and
locked up in jail or sent to do hard labor, and others were thrashed with birches on the spot by
the police.”
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