Module
28
Group Diff erences in Intelligence: Genetic and Environmental Determinants
301
For example, the traditional Western value of “rugged individualism” means that
correct answers to test items may require a test-taker to reason independently of a
particular social context. In contrast, the African cultural value of communalism, in
which one’s group is valued more than individuals, may leave test-takers from that
tradition unable to answer a question that provides no information about the social
context (Greenfi eld, 1997; Kwate, 2001).
In an attempt to produce a
culture-fair IQ test, one that does
not discriminate against the members of any minority group,
psychologists have tried to devise test items that assess
experiences common to all cultures or emphasize questions
that do not require language usage. However, test makers
have found this diffi cult to do because past experiences,
attitudes, and values almost always have an impact on
respondents’ answers (Fagan & Holland, 2009).
For example, children raised in Western cultures group things on the basis of what
they are (such as putting
dog and
fi sh into the category of
animal ). In contrast, members
of the Kpelle tribe in Africa see intelligence demonstrated by grouping things according
to what they
do (grouping
fi sh with
swim ). Similarly, children in the United States asked
to memorize the position of objects on a chessboard perform better than African
children living in remote villages if household objects familiar to the U.S. children are
used. But if rocks are used instead of household objects, the African children do better.
In short, it is diffi cult to produce a truly culture-fair test (Sandoval et al., 1998; Serpell,
2000; Valencia & Suzuki, 2003).
The efforts of psychologists to produce culture-fair measures of intelligence relate to
a lingering controversy over differences in intelligence between members of different
racial and ethnic groups. In attempting to identify whether there are differences
between such groups, psychologists have had to confront the broader issue of
determining the relative contribution to intelligence of genetic factors (heredity) and
experience (environment)—the nature-nurture issue that is one of the basic issues of
psychology.
Richard Herrnstein, a psychologist, and Charles Murray, a sociologist, fanned the
fl ames of the debate with the publication of their book
The Bell Curve in the mid-1990s
(Herrnstein & Murray, 1994). They argued that an analysis of IQ differences between
whites and blacks demonstrated that although environmental factors played a role,
there were also basic genetic differences between the two races. They based their
argument on a number of fi ndings. For instance, on average, whites score 15 points
higher than blacks on traditional IQ tests even when socioeconomic status (SES) is
taken into account. According to Herrnstein and Murray, middle- and upper-SES
blacks score lower than middle- and upper-SES whites, just as lower-SES blacks score
lower on average than lower-SES whites. Intelligence differences between blacks and
whites, they concluded, could not be attributed to environmental differences alone.
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