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Hidden Treasures Or, Why Some Succeed While Others Fail by Harry A. Lewis (z-lib.org)

Resolved
, That
the president in the late executive proceedings in relation to the public
revenue has assumed upon himself authority and power not conferred by
the constitution and laws, but in derogation of both.
The motion of Mr. Benton was to strike from the journals of the senate
this resolution of censure. In support of the president's course and of Mr.
Benton's proposed method of vindication various public proceedings were
had in various sections of the country, and some of the State legislatures not
only voted in favor of the removal of the record of censure but instructed
their congressional delegations to use their influence and votes in a similar
direction.
Mr. Benton's resolutions rehearsed the principal points involved in the past
history and present aspects of the controversy quite at length, the closing
resolution being as follows: "That the said resolve be expunged from the
journal, and for that purpose that the secretary of the Senate at such time as
the Senate may appoint, shall bring the manuscript journal of the session
1883-4 into the Senate, draw black lines round the said resolve, and write
across the face thereof in strong letters the following words: 'Expunged by
order of the Senate this—day of—, in the year of our Lord—.'"
For three years successively did Mr. Benton bring forward on different
occasions his celebrated motion, and again and again he suffered defeat
after the most scathing debates that ever took place in any parliamentary
body, the Senate at this time containing an unusual amount of oratorical
talent and forensic power. But the last scene, and with it victory to the great
Missourian and his presidential master, was now near at hand, and this
scene, as described by Mr. Benton himself, was as follows:
Saturday the fourteenth of January the Democratic Senators agreed to
have a meeting, and to take their final measures for passing an expunging
resolution. They knew they had the numbers, but they also knew they had


adversaries to grapple with to whom might be applied the motto of Louis
Fourteenth: 'Not an unequal match for numbers.' They also knew that
members of the party were in process of separating from it and would
require reconciliating. They met in the night at the then famous restaurant
of Boulanger giving to the assemblage the air of convivial entertainment. It
continued till midnight and required all the moderation, tact and skill of the
prime movers to obtain and maintain the Union in details on the success of
which depended the fate of the measure. The men of concilliation were to
be the efficient men of that night, and all the winning resources of Wright,
Allen and Linn were put in requisition. There were serious differences upon
the method of expurgation, while agreed upon the thing; and finally
obliteration, the favorite mover, was given up and the mode of expurgation
adopted which had been proposed in the resolution of the general assembly
of Virginia, namely, to inclose the obnoxious sentence in a square of black
lines—an oblong square, a compromise of opinions to which the mover
agreed upon condition of being allowed to compose the epitaph, "Expunged
by the order of the senate."
The agreement which was to lead to victory was then adopted, each one
severally pledging himself to it that there should be no adjournment of the
senate after the resolution was called until it was passed, and that it should
be called immediately after the morning business on the Monday ensuing.
Expecting a protracted session extending through the day and night, and
knowing the difficulty of keeping men steady to their work and in good
humor when tired and hungry, the mover of the proceeding took care to
provide as far as possible against such a state of things, and gave orders that
night to have an ample supply of cold hams, turkeys, rounds of beef,
pickles, wines and cups of hot coffee ready in a certain committee-room
near the senate chamber by four o'clock on the afternoon of Monday.
The motion to take up the subject was made at the appointed time, and
immediately a debate of long speeches, chiefly on the other side, opened
itself upon the question. As the darkness of approaching night came on and
the great chandelier was lit up, splendidly illuminating the chamber then
crowded with the members of the house, and the lobbies and galleries filled
to their utmost capacity with visitors and spectators, the scene became


grand and impressive. A few spoke on the side of the resolution, chiefly
Rivers, Buchanan and Niles, and with an air of ease and satisfaction that
bespoke a quiet determination and consciousness of victory.
The committee-room was resorted to in parties of four and six at a time,
always leaving enough on watch, and not resorted to by one side alone. The
opposition were invited to a full participation, an invitation of which those
who were able to maintain their temper availed themselves of, but the
greater part were not in a humor to eat anything—especially at such a feast.
The night was wearing away, the expungers were in full force, masters of
the chamber happy and visibly determined to remain. It became evident to
the great opposition leaders that the inevitable hour had come that the
'damnable deed was to be done that night,' and that the dignity of silence
was no longer to them a tenable position.
The battle was going against them, and they must go into it without being
able to re-establish it. In the beginning they had not considered the
expunging movement a serious proceeding, as it advanced they still
expected it to miscarry on some point, now the reality of the thing stood
before them confronting their presence and refusing to "down" at any
command.
Mr. Calhoun opposed the measure in a speech of great severity. The day,
said he, is gone, night approaches and night is suitable to the dark deed we
meditate; there is a sort of destiny in this thing, the act must be performed,
and it is an act which will tell upon the political history of this country
forever. Mr. Clay indulged in unmeasured denunciation of the whole thing.
The last speech in opposition to the measure was made by Mr. Webster,
who employed the strongest language he could command condemnatory of
an act which he declared was so unconstitutional, so derogatory to the
character of the senate, and marked with so broad an impression of
compliance with power. But though thus pronounced an irregular and
unconstitutional proceeding by Mr. Webster and the other senators with
whom he sided and voted, Mr. John Quincy Adams, who was at the time a
member of the house, and in direct antagonism, politically, with Mr.
Benton, and to the Jackson administration held a different opinion.


Midnight was now approaching. The dense masses which filled every inch
of the room in the lobbies and in the galleries remained immovable. No one
went out, no one could get in. The floor of the Senate was crammed with
privileged persons, and it seemed that all Congress was there. Expectation
and determination to see the conclusion were depicted on every
countenance. It was evident there was to be no adjournment until the vote
should be taken—until the deed was done, and this aspect of invincible
determination had its effect upon the ranks of the opposition. They began to
falter under a useless resistance; they alone now did the talking, and while
Mr. Webster was yet reciting his protest two Senators from the opposition
side who had been best able to maintain their equanimity, came around to
the mover of the resolution and said: 'This question has degenerated into a
trial of nerves and muscles. It has become a question of physical endurance,
and we see no use in wearing ourselves out to keep off for a few hours
longer what has to come before we separate. We see that you are able and
determined to carry your measure—so call the vote as soon as you please.
We shall say no more.'
Webster concluded. No one arose. There was a pause, a dead silence, and
an intense feeling. Presently the silence was invaded by the single word
'question'—the parliamentary call for a vote—rising from the seats of
different Senators. One blank in the resolve remained to be filled—the date
of its adoption. It was done. The acting President of the Senate, Mr. King,
of Alabama, then directed the roll to be called. The yeas and nays had been
previously ordered, and proceeded to be called by the Secretary of the
Senate, the result showing a majority of five on the side of the expungers.
The passage of the resolution was announced by the chair. Mr. Benton
arose, and said that nothing now remained but to execute the order of the
Senate, which he moved to be done forthwith. It was ordered accordingly.
The secretary thereupon produced the original manuscript journal of the
Senate, and opening at the page which contained the condemnatory
sentence of March 28, 1834, proceeded in open Senate to draw a square of
broad black lines around the sentence, and to write across its face in strong
letters: E
S
16
J
,
1837.




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