Олий ва ўрта махсус таълим вазирлиги фарғона давлат университети

rough end of a pineapple,
to plant the foot,
to big-note oneself,
to give it a burl,
not to know Christmas from Bourke Street,
not to have a brass razoo,
dingo’s breakfast,
to have kangaroos in the top paddock,
to have tickets on oneself
8.Find the equivalents for the words in bold.

1. 
   “I’ll see you this arvo, yeah?”
   
2. 
   “I can’t meet you on Saturday. I’ve got some rellies visiting.”
   
3. 
   “I don’t usually have brekkie until about 10 in the morning.”
   
4. 
   “Mummy — when we get to the shop, can we get some lollies?”
   
5. 
   “Sorry, I’ve got to shoot through. I just got a call — the meeting’s starting earlier. Bye!”
   
6. 
   “We missed the turn-off. But don’t worry, just do a u-ie and we can get back to it.”
   
7. 
   “No clouds at all tomorrow. Don’t forget to bring your sunnies.”
   
8. 
   “Wanna have a barbie on the beach on Sunday? I’ll bring the burgers if you bring the veggies.”
   
9. 
   Text for reading. Read and analyze the text. How the aborigines’ language influenced on the Australian English?
   

It might be assumed that the main source of lexical items specific to AAE would be loanwords from local indigenous languages. In basilectal varieties, this is indeed the case (two massive areas of the lexicon which come under this heading are, of course, names for local flora and fauna). However, because the words in question differ from region-to region, a full treatment of lexical issues in these varieties is beyond the scope of the present paper. Of necessity we must restrict our survey to illustrative examples of common items used either across the country or throughout wider regions in acrolectal AAE. In these lighter varieties there is only one area of the lexicon where indigenous language words are widely used: the names that Aboriginal people apply to themselves and to nonAboriginal people. As Arthur (1996: 223) points out, the names Aboriginal people use for themselves today ‘cover a greater geographical area and refer to a larger group of people
than did the original [indigenous] language names’. Most of these words have the original meaning of ‘person’ or ‘human being’. Amongst the most widely used are Koori [ k i] (Victoria and southern NSW), Murri [ m i] (northern NSW and south-east Queensland), Bama [ b m ] (northern Queensland), Nunga [ n n ] (southern South Australia), Nyungar [ nj n ] (south-west WA), Wongi [ wcn (goldfields area of WA), Yammadgee [ j m dzi] (Gascoyne area of WA), Yolnu [ j :ln ] (but often as a spelling pronunciation [ jcln ]) (eastern Arnhem Land) and Anangu [ n n ] (but often [ ænen ]) (Western Desert). Words for non-Aboriginal people show similarly broad regional variation. The two most widespread words are probably gubba [ b ] (used throughout south-eastern Australia; probably originating from ‘government (man)’) and balanda [ b l nd ] or [ bælende] (Arnhem Land and coast of Northern Territory; from a Maccassarese corruption of ‘Hollander’). Widespread terms such as waybala [ w b l ], wajala [ w dz l ], or wadgula [ w d l ] are obviously derived from ‘whitefella’. In some areas local indigenous words for ‘white’ are used, e.g. in Queensland the term migaloo [ mI l ] (from the Mayaguduna language) and in parts of south-eastern Queensland and northern NSW the word is yirili
[ jI Ili] (from the Bandjalang language). The origin of the word goonya [ nj ], used for a white person in southern SA, on the other hand, is the word for ‘excrement’ in most indigenous languages. Some of the words for ‘policeman’ are also traceable to standard English. Thus, bulliman [ b ljm n] in Queensland and gunjie [ndzi] from gunjabal (constable) in NSW; however, the western NSW term barabaldain [b e b ldæIn] comes from a Wiradjuri word ‘to grab hold’ (so literally means ‘copper’); in WA, on the other hand the term monaych [ mcnæIts] (sometimes monarch) from the Nyungar word for ‘black cockatoo’ is apparently a reference to the uniform. Some words of AAE have been inherited from earlier forms of English and are no longer commonly used in SAE. One such word is gammon, in the sense of ‘nonsense’ (noun), ‘bullshit’ (noun and verb), or ‘false’ (adj.) (e.g. ‘That’s gammon!’; ‘Don’t gammon me!’; ‘He got gammon hair (i.e. a wig)’. This probably derives from the 19th century Cockney usage that arrived with the first colonists. A similar case is that of humbug, which, while
sometimes retaining the sense of ‘sham’ or ‘hypocrisy’ which it still has in other varieties of English, is used more often in AAE to denote ‘nuisance’, ‘trouble’ (noun), or ‘annoy’, ‘molest’ (verb). The word jar, meaning ‘scold’ is probably another example of a surviving usage, which no longer exists in other English varieties. It also appears as a phrasal verb (thus, ‘my Mum jarred me’, ‘she jarred me off’, ‘he bin jar them kids up’). Much of the lexical usage distinctive to acrolectal AAE, however, consists of forms still current in SAE and other standard varieties that are used in AAE with a meaning different from that found in the standard dialects. Often these differences reflect the different range of meaning of the corresponding word in the indigenous language(s). Thus it is
unsurprising that the distinctive AAE usage very often relates to a significant aspect of indigenous culture, whose continuing vitality and social and spiritual importance are thereby maintained through this variety of English, even where the traditional indigenous language is no longer spoken. Nowhere is this more noticeable than in the area of family and kinship. Aboriginal kinship systems, family relationships and terms of address are radically different from those of non-indigenous Australian society, and consequently even the most basic kinship terms have a quite different range of meaning in AAE. On the one hand, a given term may have a wider range than in SAE. For example, the term mother may refer not only to a person’s female biological parent, but also to her sisters and possibly other female relatives of the same generation. The range of meaning of father is similar, and may extend to at least the brothers of a biological father. It follows logically that the reciprocals of these terms, son and daughter, may have a similarly extended range of meaning and that the terms brother and sister (in some areas budda and tidda) may be used to refer to parallel cousins as well as to siblings. Similarly grandfather and grandmother may be used to refer to great aunts and great uncles as well as to biological grandparents. Terms such as cuz, bro, and sis may also be used when speaking to non-related members of one’s own generation, as a sign of solidarity. By the same token, words such as auntie, uncle, or
grannie may be used as a respectful term of address to non-related older people or as an honorific when referring to them in the third person. In Aboriginal society, one’s kin relationship to another person determines one’s expectations of that person, one’s obligations to that person, and one’s behaviour towards
that person. It may determine who you can borrow money from, who you are allowed to speak to, sit next to or look at, and, perhaps most importantly of all, who you can get married to. In traditional society over most of central and northern Australia, these rules are enshrined in a social system of sub-sections or skin groups (typically either eight or four in number) (Arthur and Morphy, 2005: chap 8). The skin you are born into is determined by the skin of your parents. For each skin there is an ‘ideal’ or ‘first choice’ skin from which to choose a marriage partner—in order to be married the right way. Men and women from the
same skin group may not marry (they are, after all, considered to be brothers and sisters)— if they do, they are said to be married the wrong way. In much of northern Australia there are various types of ‘avoidance relationship’. This type of relationship typically forbids direct communication or even physical proximity between relatives. It most frequently applies between a man and his mother-in-law or brother-in-law, but in some areas applies also between brothers and sisters. In AAE the prefix poison is used to denote such relationships (e.g. ‘poison auntie’, ‘poison brother’, ‘poison cousin’ …). Throughout traditional Aboriginal society, religious ceremony and ritual still play a vital role in everyday life, particularly in marking rites of passage (initiation, marriage, and funeral) and in renewing and maintaining relationships between neighbouring groups. Although the word ‘ceremony’ (or [e emni]) is widely used in the north, the term business
seems to be preferred in central Australia. Since much of ceremony is restricted to one gender, there is men’s business and women’s business, but also sorry business (i.e. mourning). The spiritual dimension of life is inseparable from the social structure and rules of behaviour and thus the word law embraces much more than a code of behaviour, and refers rather to the entire body of traditional cultural knowledge. A law man is thus one who is thoroughly versed in traditional knowledge and would play a prominent role in ceremonies. Going through the ceremony or ceremonies that formalize initiation into this knowledge is known as ‘going through the law’. The term payback refers to a system of
punishments for offences under traditional law. For serious offences, such as murder, the appropriate penalty under traditional law almost always includes spearing in the thigh. A much misunderstood concept in Aboriginal culture is that of dreamtime or dreaming. Arthur (1996: 27) defines dreaming as ‘A collection of events beyond living memory which shaped the physical, spiritual and moral world and which is still manifested in and sustains the present’. The two terms are now commonly used interchangeably in this sense, although originally only dreamtime was used in this way. The word dreaming referred originally only to a specific totemic being within the dreamtime narrative, and to the associated sacred knowledge and geographical landmarks (e.g. ‘goanna dreaming’, ‘honey ant dreaming’). A person’s intimate association with the land through their dreaming thus invests the word country with a very special meaning in AAE. A person’s country is the area associated with the events and knowledge relating to their dreaming figure, which they have an attachment to, a responsibility for and an identity with—a relationship whose strength and nature is rather poorly understood by non-Aboriginal Australians (and very inadequately expressed by the (SAE) term ‘traditional ownership’). The word sorry in AAE has a much stronger meaning than simply ‘regretful’. In a general sense it means ‘filled with sorrow’, but more particularly it expresses the feelings associated with the loss of a person or country. Thus, a person who is sorry for a relative is in mourning for that relative and a person who is sorry for their country is experiencing an extreme form of home-sickness. Several other common words describing feelings and behaviour also have somewhat different meanings in AAE from standard English. The word shame, for example, encompasses not only a feeling of guilt when one has done something wrong, but also a wider feeling of shyness, fear (e.g. of unfamiliar people or places), or embarrassment at standing out from the crowd—even in a positive way, such as when receiving praise. It describes the appropriate feeling of a person in the presence of relatives with whom they are
in an avoidance relationship. As well as being a noun (‘she getting big shame’), it is often used adjectivally (‘I was shame’), as well as in the term shame job (5embarrassing situation), which has now passed into some varieties of SAE. The word cheeky as well as its comparatively mild SAE meaning, has the sense of ‘dangerous’, ‘violent’, or ‘painful’, and, particularly in the context of plants and animals, ‘poisonous’ (e.g. ‘cheeky snake’, ‘cheeky yam’). The word deadly, on the other hand, is now used widely in the sense of ‘terrific, ‘wonderful’, ‘really good’ (cf. ‘wicked’ in Black Vernacular English of both the UK and US). The term flash, however, often has a pejorative meaning in AAE: although its core meaning may be ‘nice’, ‘good-looking’, it is often used in the sense of ‘ostentatious’ or
‘pretentious’, particularly in the context of an Aboriginal person adopting non-Aboriginal behaviour. The word camp is yet another example of a term whose meaning in AAE is more extended than in standard English. It is used to refer to any Aboriginal dwelling place, permanent or temporary, large or small. Thus it can denote a blanket under a tree or a brick-built house. It is also used to refer to the ‘suburbs’ of an Aboriginal community (‘Top Camp’, ‘South Camp’), the fringe settlements of urban areas, such as Darwin and Alice Springs (‘town camps’), or areas of a community segregated off for a particular purpose (‘single women’s camp’, ‘sorry camp’). It follows from this that the verb to camp, simply means ‘to live’ in a place. The expression to sit down is used with a similar meaning. The
meaning of the word to hear also includes more than just auditory sensation. In many Aboriginal languages the words for ‘hear’ and ‘understand’ are either the same or closely related and this association has carried over into AAE. Similarly the words for ‘kill’ and ‘hit’ are often the same in traditional languages and thus kill in AAE may mean no more than ‘hit’ or ‘injure’ (maybe not even physically). The range of meaning can be more finely distinguished by the use of qualifiers, such as ‘kill im a little bit’, as opposed to ‘kill im dead’. The term mob is used of a group of people of any size; ‘us mob’ can therefore, according to context, refer to a family, a ‘tribe’ or language group, or the entire Aboriginal population. It can also be used (as in SAE) in relation to animals (‘a mob of kangaroos’), to inanimate objects (‘a big mob of rocks’), or even to mass nouns (‘a whole mob of water’). A
rare example of a word whose meaning is more restricted in AAE is the word language. This word is almost always used in the sense of ‘Aboriginal language’ (e.g. ‘Don’t speak English! Speak language!’). Even the ‘smaller’ words of Aboriginal English—prepositions, pronouns, determiners, adverbs, ‘fillers’, and so on, may be different in form or in meaning from their SAE equivalents. AAE speakers use that as a determiner, for example, often to the exclusion of
‘the’ and often where the inherent definiteness of the NP precludes the use of the definite article in SAE—as, for example with proper names (‘I’m go to that shop (i.e. the only one in the community)’, ‘you know that Martin?’). In common with many other creole-influenced Englishes, basilectal AAE uses along (or longa) as a kind of all-purpose preposition. The core meaning is ‘next to’ or ‘with’ (‘I sit along you’), but it can also be interpreted as ‘to, at, into, on to, for’ or even ‘from’ (‘I go along his country’, ‘he bin get medicine along that tree’). The word allabout (or alabad) can be used with the meaning of ‘everywhere’, ‘everything’, or ‘everybody’ (‘dis-one tree ’e growin allabout’, ‘allabout bin get sick’) and in some areas is the regular third person plural pronoun (‘they’). Among words which ‘oil
the wheels’ of conversation, might be is used in AAE as a fixed adverbial expression, meaning ‘perhaps’ or ‘possibly’ and often indicating lack of conviction or assertiveness on the part of the speaker, particularly in the form ‘might be, eh?’ (e.g. ‘might be they gone to town’, A: ‘They gone hunting?’ B: ‘Might be’). The word something is often used as a filler, in the manner of ‘sort of thing’ or ‘like’ in contemporary SAE (‘gotta get new boots, something’; ‘he bin huntin something kangaroo’). And the word true (sometimes true God) is used as an intensifying adverb in much the same way as ‘really’ in SAE (‘he got married,
true’; A: ‘My dog bin die’ B: ‘True?’). There are also several instances of words used in different categories and in different combinations from those found in standard English. Most, if not all of these may be modelled on the equivalent usage in the indigenous substrate language. For example, some verbs that are intransitive in SAE may be used transitively in AAE. The verb to grow up is an example of this, being used in the sense of ‘to bring up’ a child (‘my mother grew him
up’). The verb to growl, meaning ‘to complain’ or ‘be angry’, can also be used transitively, meaning to ‘to complain to’, ‘be angry at’, or ‘quarrel with’ a person (‘dey always growling’, ‘she growled those girls’). Similarly, words which are adjectives in SAE can be used as transitive verbs in AAE, e.g. ‘Please, Miss, he’s ruding me’, ‘they cruellin that little boy’, and ‘they jealousin him for that Toyota’. Finally there are several instances of verbal compounding, perhaps on the model of the auxiliary-plus-lexical verb constructions found in many indigenous languages. One well-known verb of this type is kangaroo-marry (meaning ‘to live together in a de facto relationship), but the verb lie or liar (‘be untruthful’) seems to be particularly productive in the ‘auxiliary’ role, with the meaning of ‘pretending to’. Thus we have liar-cry (‘to cry crocodile tears’) and lie-smile (‘to smile insincerely’), and even lie-say (‘to lie’).

10. 
    Discussion. Compare the Australian English with British, American and Canadian variants of English. Did aborigines’ language influence on Australian English in the same way as American-Indian languages on American and Eskimos language on Canadian variants of English. Illustrate the main differences in the bar chart.
    

REVIEW

1. 
   Match the following expressions from the Cockney dialect:
   

1. 
   Adam and Eve
   
2. 
   Brown Bread
   
3. 
   Bubble and Squeak
   
4. 
   Bubble Bath
   
5. 
   butcher’s hook
   
6. 
   Chalfont St. Giles
   
7. 
   Chalk Farm
   
8. 
   china plate
   
9. 
   Cock and Hen
   
10. 
    Cows and Kisses
    
11. 
    currant bun
    
12. 
    custard and jelly
    
13. 
    Daisy Roots
    
14. 
    Darby and Joan
    
15. 
    Dicky bird
    
16. 
    Dicky Dirt
    
17. 
    tables and chairs
    
18. 
    tea leaf
    
19. 
    Tom and Dick
    
20. 
    tomfoolery
    

2. 
   dead
   
3. 
   – jewellery
   
4. 
   shirt
   
5. 
   sick
   
6. 
   word
   
7. 
   moan
   
8. 
   stairs
   
9. 
   believe
   
10. 
    Greek
    
11. 
    a look
    
12. 
    boots
    
13. 
    laugh
    
14. 
    piles
    
15. 
    arm
    
16. 
    telly (television)
    
17. 
    sun
    
18. 
    missus (wife)
    
19. 
    ten
    
20. 
    mate (friend)
    
21. 
    thief