The Lucifer Effect
cooperative, who they were able to sit across a table with and have a regu-
lar dialogue, and someone who would also had in the past provided ade-
quate intelligence, and then they were to replay that interrogation for the
visiting VIP's.
And essentially, as an intelligence professional, this was insulting.
And I don't think I was alone in feeling this way, to be honest with you, be-
cause in the intelligence community your whole existence is in order to
provide policymakers with the right information to make the right deci-
sions. So. that's really the existence of the intelligence community, to sim-
ply provide the right information. And this concept of creating this
fictitious world so Gitmo [would look] like one thing to those visiting,
when in reality it was something far different, completely undermined
everything that we, as professionals, were trying to do in intelligence.
It was possible for supervisors to watch any interrogation through a one-way
mirror in each room, but "they rarely did so," according to Saar. Important ses-
sions with high-value detainees were supposed to be recorded on concealed video
cameras. If they had been, senior officers might have been as distressed as this
translator was by such sexually perverse tactics and put a stop to them. Not so,
says Saar:
There were also cameras in the booths, but the sessions were not recorded;
General [Geoffrey] Miller thought taping could only cause legal problems.
The video was simply fed to a screen in the observation room. For the over-
whelming majority of sessions, the only ones who ever knew what took
place in the booth [were] the interrogator, the linguist, and the detainee.
"Outsourcing" Torture
Additional evidence of the spread of stealth torture as a means of forcing intelli-
gence from resistant suspects is revealed in secret CIA programs that whisked
prisoners to foreign countries that had agreed to do the dirty job for the United
States. In a policy known as "renditions," or "extraordinary renditions," dozens,
perhaps hundreds, of "high-value terrorists" (HVTs) were taken to a number of
foreign countries, often in business jets leased by the CIA.
6 3
President Bush appar-
ently authorized the CIA to have detainees in custody "disappeared" or "ren-
dered" to countries where the use of torture is well-known (and documented by
Amnesty I n t e r n a t i o n a l ) .
6 4
Such prisoners were kept incommunicado in long-
term secret detention facilities in "undisclosed locations." In "reverse renditions,"
foreign authorities arrested "suspects" in noncombat, nonbattlefield settings and
transferred them into custody, usually to Guantânamo Bay Prison, without the
basic legal protections afforded by international law.
The president of the Center for Constitutional Rights, Michael Ratner, said of
this program:
Putting the System on Trial
4 2 9
I call it outsourcing torture. What it really means is that in the so-called
war on terror, the C.I.A. picks up people anywhere in the world that it
wants, and if it doesn't want to engage in the torture itself, or in the inter-
rogation, whatever term you want to use, it will send them to another
country that our intelligence agencies have a close relationship with. That
can be Egypt, it can be Jordan.
6 5
One CIA senior officer in charge of this rendition program was Michael
Scheuer. He reports matter-of-factly:
We took people to the countries of their origin in the Middle East, if those
countries had a legal process outstanding for them and were willing to
take them. That person would be treated according to the laws of that
country, not to the laws of the United States, but to the laws of, take your
pick, Morocco, Egypt, Jordan.
6 6
Obviously, the interrogation tactics used in those countries would include
torture techniques that the CIA did not want to know about, as long as there was
any useful "intel" coming out of them. However, it is difficult in our high-tech era
to keep such a program concealed for long. Some of America's allies have led
a probe into at least thirty flights suspected of being engaged by the CIA in the
outsourcing-torture program. The investigation has revealed that key suspects
were transported to Soviet-era compounds in Eastern Europe.
6 7
In my judgment, these programs of outsourcing torture indicate not that
the CIA and military intelligence operatives were reluctant to torture prisoners
but that they believed that agents in those countries knew how to do it better.
They have been perfecting the practice of the "third degree" longer than the
Americans have. I have outlined here only a small sample of the far more exten-
sive abuses heaped upon all sorts of detainees in American military prisons in
order to refute the administration's assertion that such abuse and torture were
not "systematic."
Autopsies and death reports on detainees held in facilities in Iraq and
Afghanistan reveal that nearly half of the forty-four deaths reported occurred
during or after interrogations by Navy SEALs, military intelligence, or the CIA.
These homicides resulted from abusive interrogation tactics that included hood-
ing, gagging, strangulation, beating with blunt objects, water boarding, sleep
deprivation, and extreme temperature manipulations. The executive director of
the ACLU, Anthony Romero, has made it clear that "There is no question that in-
terrogations have resulted in deaths. High-ranking officials who knew about the
torture sat on their hands and those who created and endorsed these policies
must be held a c c o u n t a b l e . "
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4 3 0
The Lucifer Effect
T A K I N G I T T O T H E T O P : H O L D I N G D I C K C H E N E Y
A N D G E O R G E W . B U S H A C C O U N T A B L E
As became increasingly obvious in the months after the [Abu Ghraib] pho-
tos came to public light, this pattern of abuse did not result from the acts
of individual soldiers who broke the rules. It resulted from decisions made
by the Bush administration to bend, ignore, or cast rules aside. Adminis-
tration policies created the climate for Abu Ghraib and for abuse against
detainees worldwide in a number of ways.
This summary statement by Human Rights Watch in its report "United States:
Getting Away with Torture?" focuses our attention at the very top of the long
chain of command—all the way up to Vice President Dick Cheney and President
George W. Bush.
The W a r on Terror Framed the Torture Paradigm Shift
In line with previous presidential failures—in their "War on Nouns"—on Poverty
and Drugs—the Bush administration declared a "War on Terror" following the
attacks of September 1 1 , 2 0 0 1 . The central premise of this new war was that ter-
rorism is the primary threat to "national security," and to the "homeland," and
that it must be opposed by all means necessary. This ideological foundation has
been used by virtually all nations as a device for gaining popular and military sup-
port for aggression, as well as repression. It was used freely by right-wing dictator-
ships in Brazil, Greece, and many other nations in the 1 9 6 0 s and ' 7 0 s to justify
torture and death-squad executions of their citizens who were positioned as the
"enemies of the state."
6 9
Italy's right-wing Christian Democrats used the "strat-
egy of tension" during the late 1 9 7 0 s to exaggerate the fear of terrorism by the
Red Brigades (radical Communists) as a means of political control. Of course, the
classic example is that of Hitler's labeling Jews the originators of Germany's eco-
nomic collapse of the 19 3 0 s . They were the internal threat that justified an exter-
nal program of conquest and demanded their extermination both in Germany
and in all the countries the Nazis occupied.
Fear is the State's psychological weapon of choice to frighten citizens into
sacrificing their basic freedoms and rule-of-law protections in exchange for the se-
curity promised by their all-powerful government. Fear was the linchpin that
gained the majority support of the U.S. public and Congress first for a preemptive
war against Iraq and later for the mindless maintenance of a variety of Bush ad-
ministration policies. First, fear was spread in Orwellian fashion by predicting a
nuclear attack against the United States and its allies by Saddam Hussein's arse-
nal of "weapons of mass destruction." For example, on the eve of the congres-
sional vote on the Iraq War resolution, President Bush told the nation and
Congress that Iraq was an "evil nation" that threatened America's security.
"Knowing these realities," Bush remarked, "Americans must not ignore the
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