Putting t h e System on Trial
423
times, they had urinated or defecated on themselves, and had been left
there for 18 to 24 hours or more.
A special case that points out just how far an interrogation team at Guanta-
namo Prison would go is that documented for "Prisoner 0 6 3 . " His name was Mo-
hammed al-Qahtani, believed to be "the twentieth hijacker" from the 9 / 1 1
terrorist attacks. He was abused in almost every imaginable way. He was made to
urinate on himself, was deprived of sleep and food for days on end, and was terror-
ized by a fierce attack dog. His continued resistance was met with further abuse.
Prisoner 0 6 3 was forced to wear a woman's bra and had a woman's thong placed
on his head. Interrogators made fun of him, calling him a homosexual. They even
put on a dog leash and made him do animal tricks. A female interrogator strad-
dled al-Qahtani in the hope of sexually exciting him and then castigated him for
violating his religious beliefs. Investigative reporters for Time magazine have re-
vealed in vivid detail the hour-by-hour, even minute-by-minute log book of al-
Qahtani's month-long secret interrogation.
5 6
It is a mixture of crude and brutal
tactics with some sophisticated ones combined with many that are simply silly or
stupid. Any experienced police detective could have gotten more out of this pris-
oner in less time using less immoral tactics.
On learning of this interrogation, Navy General Counsel Alberto Mora was
appalled by what he considered unlawful practices not worthy of any military or
a government that condones it. In an eloquent statement that provides the essen-
tial frame for appreciating what it means to condone such abusive interrogations,
Mora said:
If cruelty is no longer declared unlawful, but instead is applied as a matter
of policy, it alters the fundamental relationship of man to government. It
destroys the whole notion of individual rights. The Constitution recog-
nizes that man has an inherent right, not bestowed by the state or laws, to
personal dignity, including the right to be free of cruelty. It applies to all
human beings, not just in America—even those designated as "unlawful
enemy combatants." If you make this exception, the whole Constitution
crumbles. It's a transformative issue."
5 7
What I ask you to consider now, dear reader, in your role as juror, is the com-
parison of some of these planned tactics with those supposedly originating from
the allegedly "perverted minds" of the Tier 1A MPs as shown in their photos. In
addition to the many photos of detainees with women's panties over their heads
is the horrific image of Lynndie England dragging a prisoner along the ground
with a dog leash around his neck. It now seems reasonable to conclude that the
panties on the head, the leash, and that dehumanizing scenario were all bor-
rowed from their earlier use by the CIA, by General Miller's special Gitmo interro-
gation teams, and had become generally accepted interrogation tactics being
practiced throughout the war zones. But no photography allowed!
4 2 4 The Lucifer Effect
Elite Soldiers Do It: 82nd Airborne Break Bones, Burn Photos
Perhaps the most impressive witness for my case against the entire command
structure is Captain Ian Fishback, a decorated West Point graduate and captain of
an elite airborne unit serving in Iraq. His recent letter to Senator John McCain
complaining of rampant abuses being perpetrated against prisoners began:
I am a graduate of West Point currently serving as a Captain in the Army
Infantry. I have served two combat tours with the 82nd Airborne Division,
one each in Afghanistan and Iraq. While I served in the Global War on Ter-
ror, the actions and statements of my leadership led me to believe that
United States policy did not require application of the Geneva Conventions
in Afghanistan or Iraq.
During a number of interviews with Human Rights Watch, Captain Fish-
back revealed in specific detail the disturbing consequences of that confusion over
the legal limits imposed on interrogators. His account is supplemented by two
sergeants in his unit at the Forward Operating Base (FOB) of Camp Mercury near
Fallujah.
5 8
(Although mentioned in the previous chapter, here I will provide a
fuller version of and context for Captain Fishback's revelations.)
In his letter to Senator McCain, Fishback testified to habitual beatings to the
face and body of prisoners before interrogation, the pouring of burning chemi-
cals on prisoners' faces, their routine shackling in positions that led to physical
collapse, and forced exercises that led them to lose consciousness. They even
stacked prisoners in pyramids, à la Abu Ghraib. Such abuses occurred before, dur-
ing, and after the scandal erupted about the abuses at Abu Ghraib.
When we were at FOB Mercury, we had prisoners that were stacked in
pyramids, not naked but they were stacked in pyramids. We had prisoners
that were forced to do extremely stressful exercises for at least two hours at
a t i m e . . . . There was a case where a prisoner had cold water dumped on
him and then he was left outside in the night. [Again, as Lagouranis re-
ported, here is the tactic of exposure to extreme elements.] There was a
case where a soldier took a baseball bat and struck a detainee on the leg
hard. This is all stuff that I'm getting from my NCOs [Non-Commissioned
Officers].
Fishback testified that commanders directed and condoned the abuse: "I
would be told, 'These guys were IED [improvised explosive device] trigger men last
week.' So we would fuck them up. Fuck them up bad . . . But you gotta under-
stand, this was the norm." (Recall our earlier discussion of emergent norms in par-
ticular situations where some new practice quickly becomes the standard that
must be complied with and conformed to.)
One of Fishback's sergeants testified, "Everyone in camp knew if you wanted
to work out your frustration you show up at the PUC tent [prisoners were called
Do'stlaringiz bilan baham: |