Tourism, Security and Safety From Theory to Practice

Category One: Changing the Objective Reality
While strategies in both categories make use of the media, it is only those in the
first category (i.e., those that deal with the objective reality) that take steps beyond
media representation to change the negative image. Following are several first cat-
egory strategies used by decision makers.
Tackling the Issue
The first strategy is very clear-cut: if there is a specific problem responsible for the
sudden crisis or the destination’s prolonged negative image, it needs to be solved. In
other words, a destination’s negative image is not fictitious but does in fact reflect
some real-life problem. Therefore, destinations must solve the problems that led to the
negative image associated with them. If, for example, a destination is perceived as vio-
lent and unsafe, it must combat crime and violence, as was the case of Miami: “At the
same time that the tourism officials were working to rebuild tourism numbers, gov-
ernment and law enforcement officials were getting tough on crime . . . as crime con-
tinued to decrease, tourism began to flourish” (Tilson and Stacks, 2001, pp. 159, 162).
A similar case of tackling the crime problem in order to improve a destination’s
image is that of New York City, where Mayor Rudolph Giuliani halved the city’s
crime rate. Following citywide campaigns against perpetrators of crime and vio-
lence, the feeling of safety in the city increased in unprecedented fashion.
Likewise, following a terrorist attack against German tourists, the Egyptian gov-
ernment took a hard line against radical Islamic groups and solved the image cri-
sis (Efrati, 2002; Wahab, 1996). A third example is that of Syracuse, which decided
to fix its negative image and embarked on a project of refurbishing the city center
through private and public partnerships. Like in Syracuse, tourist destinations the
world over are revitalized through the construction of conference and cultural
centers, stadiums, shopping malls, theme-oriented areas, museums, agricultural
markets, and improved mass transit systems (Short et al., 1993).
The “Come See for Yourself” Strategy
Of those destinations with a cumulative negative image accrued over the years, some
suffer as a result of a problematic past and a well-ingrained bad reputation, so that
even if positive changes occur, unfavorable opinion persists (Strauss, 1961).
Unfavorable stereotypes are firmly established in the public’s mind and it is very dif-
ficult to overcome them, because no matter how much effort is spent changing the
reality, if the negative stereotypes keep the crowds away, no one will see the changes.
In such cases, the best course of action is staging events designed to bring in visitors
who would not otherwise come. This can be accomplished through holding confer-
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ences, exhibitions, tours, and press conferences, among other special events. The main
advantage of visiting a destination is that the image holder has a chance to personally
experience the objective reality within the destination, without being dependent on
mediators or secondary agents. When this happens in destinations associated with
negative stereotypes, it may become clear to visitors that these stereotypes are false.
This strategy was successfully employed in the effort to improve the image of the
Israeli city of Holon. A poll conducted by local authorities during the early 1990s
revealed that although the city in general suffered from a negative image, people
who had visited were fond of it. Therefore, as part of the campaign to change the
city’s image, a decision was made to attract people through special cultural events
and performances that would enrich the image. Indeed, this strategy was successful
and the city’s image greatly improved during the late 1990s (Avraham, 2003a). In
addition to bringing visitors, destinations need to convince decision makers and
public opinion leaders to come to the destination and “see it with their own eyes.”
Journalists are clearly the most important of the visitors that public opinion
leaders seek to draw to their destinations. Attracting the journalists to a destination
through the efficient use of public relations can be very beneficial for improving
the destination’s image. This is especially true during times of crisis, when it is
advised to bring media people and organize familiarization trips in the hope that
they will report that the situation in the destination is “business as usual”; the
tourist attractions are open, tourist information booths are operating, cultural
events continue, and tourist services are available. Many destinations chose this
strategy, among them Israel (during the conflicts with the Palestinians and terror
attacks), India (during an outbreak of infectious disease), London (the foot and
mouth disease outbreak), Nepal (rebel attacks), and Miami (crime wave against
tourists) (Hopper, 2003; Frisby, 2002; Baral et al., 2004; Beirman, 2002).
Local authorities employed the strategy of organizing local visits for public
opinion leaders, in order to deal with any negative perceptions held by them, and
by potential tourists. It was hoped that these visits would help change negative per-
ceptions and promote a favorable image, which in turn would be passed on to other
people with whom the opinion leaders would come in contact (Burgess, 1982).
Similarly, the cities of Jerusalem and Belfast hold frequent cultural events and fes-
tivals in order to attract visitors and thus address the fear of terrorist activity, which
might cause many to avoid these cities (Efrati, 2002).
Hosting Special Events
One of the most famous examples of using special events (often referred to as “spot-
light events,” “hallmark events,” or “mega-events”) in order to improve a destination
image was the Nazis’ use of the 1936 Olympic Games to project a positive image of
their regime (Nielsen, 2001). Since then, many cities have used the Summer and
Winter Olympics, the World Expo, the Cultural Capital of Europe title, the
Eurovision song competition and, in the United States, the Republican and
Democratic national conventions as major platforms for massive public relations-led
image campaigns (Beriatos and Gospodini, 2004). These events focus attention on a
particular location for a short, concentrated period, allowing the destination to pro-
mote certain chosen images to the international media, and may be used to improve
a negative image. This was the case when Beijing hosted the 1990 Asian Games and
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used the media attention to improve its image after the Tiananmen Square massacre
(Hall and O’Sullivan, 1996). Cities that host international spotlight events such as the
Olympics or the World Expo undergo substantial changes in the urban landscape, the
result of large-scale investments in the private and public sectors. The resulting
development and renewal of tourist attractions, hotels, transportation, and upgrading
of destination infrastructures strengthen the destinations’ competitive edge and raise
their rating in the global hierarchal system.
Inclusion of Residents in Campaign and Fostering Local Pride
A key difference between product marketing and destination marketing is that in the
latter it is necessary to consider the people who live in and near the “product” (that
is, the destination). It is only natural to involve the residents in the processes that
lead to the improvement of the destination’s image. Residents of unfavorably per-
ceived destinations often suffer from a lack of local pride and a low self-image. This
can lead to indifference toward the destination and an unwillingness to take part in
various enterprises, or to volunteer to make it more attractive to tourists. For this
reason, dealing with a negative image requires working with the local residents and
mobilizing their support for the process of change. This media strategy is internally
focused, aimed at residents and the way they perceive their home. The underlying
assumption is that a favorable self-image will turn the destination’s residents into
ambassadors who will speak of its wonders when conversing with residents of other
destinations (Tilson and Stacks, 1997). When the city of Glasgow, for example,
wanted to change its image, it built public establishments, museums, and cultural
and tourist attractions, and all the while received the backing of local residents who
became more aware of the city’s cleanliness and aesthetics (Paddison, 1993).
It is important to cultivate the pride and enthusiasm of the local residents
towards the process of change. In Syracuse, stickers declaring “I have a part in
Syracuse” and “We grow together” were handed out, and local residents partici-
pated in campaign decisions, such as choosing the city’s new logo (Short et al.,
1993). Fostering the participation of residents is of major importance, and their
opinions and suggestions should be heard when planning campaign strategies and
formulating slogans. The role of residents is a key element when attempting to
recover from crises in tourism. For example, in order to bring the tourists back to
Miami in the beginning of the 1990s, a 10-year program calling for increased pro-
motion and tourism education for the local residents was launched. During the
campaign, public service announcements about the importance of tourism ran
countywide. The campaign mangers believed that in order to solve the crisis, it was
crucial to convince local residents of the importance of tourism to the state econ-
omy (Tilson and Stacks, 2001). Similarly, in Egypt, there was an attempt to con-
vince residents to assist in the war on terror, by informing them about the damage
done to the country’s national image as a result (Wahab, 1996; Nielsen, 2001).