challenge. Shouldn’t the constitution – the highest law of a people – be
advantage of the account I offer, hopefully, is in exposing the full thrust of this
tradition for what it is – a project in which The People have no substantial or
to find democratic will behind the constitution. Here is Barak’s answer in the
Laor case, quoted above, when justifying his position that text is not required
sovereignty is never indefinite. There is no harm to the principle of sepa-
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Iddo Porat
democracy is a delicate balance between majority rule and human rights and
basic principles and in this balance the safeguarding of human rights and
basic principles cannot be seen, in itself, as undemocratic. It is not harmful
to the office of the judiciary since it is the task of the judiciary to safeguard
the rule of law, including the rule of law over the legislator.
74
Democracy is therefore not hurt, according to Barak, since democracy is not
only the rule of the majority, but a delicate balance
between the rule of the
majority and human rights and basic principles. The court does not need
a text in order to know what human rights and basic principles are – this is
established already if we accept the assumption of the Platonic conception of
the constitution – and, according to Barak in this quote, applying these prin-
ciples on the legislator is not contrary to democracy, although it is not done in
the name of the people’s will as expressed in a constitution, since the will of
the people is not the only thing that matters in a democracy. When the court
restricts the will of the people because of principles of human rights “this can-
not be seen, in itself, as undemocratic.”
The theory of judicial review and of democracy, therefore, is based on a
substantive rather than a formal conception of democracy, and is not based
on the idea that the will of people stands behind the constitution. Hence, also,
the fact that the Basic Laws were not voted on with any substantial majority in
the Knesset, nor did they reflect any robust process of public deliberation, is
inconsequential for Barak, and does not hamper their legitimacy in his eyes.
The Basic Law’s legitimacy comes from the fact that they are an imperfect
instance of the true Form of a constitution, and even if they were not voted
on by any of the Knesset members, to the extent that they partook in this ideal
they were valid. What is also clear from Barak’s account is that the only insti-
tution from which we should not be afraid of subverting the ideas of human
rights, basic principle, and the rule of law, and who therefore can impose those
ideas on every other organ but need not be supervised or restricted itself –
is the court.
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