78
Impact of Illegal Immigration on the Wages & Employment of Black Workers
proximity (i.e. concentration in large urban centers of both blacks and immigrants), and
illegal immigrants‘ low human capital endowments bring them in direct labor competition
with native-born (as well as legal immigrant) low-skill workers, especially blacks and new,
legal immigrants, who are more heavily concentrated in unskilled occupations. Moreover,
wage data shows that this increase has occurred in the absence of any shortage of available
unskilled labor in the U.S.
134
A large share of less-educated native born workers are
employed in what are considered high-immigrant occupations; even in such occupations, the
majority of workers are still natives.
135
These facts tend to belie the notion that there are jobs
Americans just won‘t do. The job market is simply not segmented into ―exclusively
immigrant‖ or ―exclusively native jobs,‖ regardless of where one is in the labor market.
136
It is
true that the current recession has hit immigrant workers (both legal and illegal) the hardest in
terms of unemployment numbers, but the least educated immigrants (and thereby the least
skilled) still have a lower unemployment rate than their native-born counterparts.
137
According to National Assessment of Educational Progress statistics, the average black high
school graduate continues to lag years behind his white counterparts in academic proficiency.
Low educational attainment signals that a significant percentage of black workers are likely
to be low or unskilled, where they will be competing against illegal immigrants—a cohort
motivated by the fact that the U.S. minimum wage is 10 times higher than what they would
earn in their native countries—for the same low-skilled jobs. These dismal education figures,
combined with the significant impediments that flow from fragile family structures and a 70
percent out-of-wedlock birth rate, portend more deleterious long term implications for blacks
than for other groups. Surely, more serious study is necessary in the run-up to any
immigration reform proposals that may aggravate both the displacement of low-skilled
American workers and the racial divide in employment.
For those of us who value the contributions of immigrants but who maintain that the nation
should adopt an immigration policy that does not increase the social and economic inequities
that already exist in the United States, pointing out that the plight of the nation‘s most
vulnerable workers (and of blacks as a subset of those) must be a consideration in any
immigration reform proposals hardly seems like a controversial proposition. Policymakers
would be negligent if they ignored the social and economic implications of increasing the
nation‘s low-skilled labor supply. Stemming the tide of illegal immigration alone will not
alone improve the outcomes for legal low-skilled workers, but as my colleague Gail Heriot
notes, it is definitely a piece of the puzzle.
Furthermore, one of the challenges of the debate is honesty regarding what the data show
and what they do not show. This is complicated by methodology and data limitations, which
either cannot or do not assess immigration policy‘s effects in the same way or meaningfully
134
P
ATRICK
M
C
H
UGH
, C
ENTER FOR
I
MMIGRATION
S
TUDIES
, T
RENDS IN
I
MMIGRANT AND
N
ATIVE
U
NEMPLOYMENT
2 (May 2009) (―There is little evidence of a labor shortage, particularly for less-educated
workers. In the first quarter of 2009 there are almost 31 million natives and immigrants with a high school
degree or less unemployed or not in the labor force,‖ i.e. neither working nor looking for work.).
135
Camarota,
supra
note 24, at 15.
136
Id.
137
Id.
at 1.
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