2. The King of the Jews Born in the City of David (2:1–12)
¹Now after Jesus was born in Bethlehem in Judea in the days of King Herod, one
day¹ some magi from the East arrived in Jerusalem, ²inquiring, “Where is the
child who has been born as King of the Jews? We saw his star when it rose,² and
we have come to pay homage³ to him.” ³When King Herod heard this he was
thoroughly alarmed, and all Jerusalem with him. ⁴He summoned all the chief
priests and scribes of the people, and questioned them about the Messiah’s birth-
place.⁴ ⁵They told him, “In Bethlehem in Judea, because that is what has been
written through the prophet:
‘And you, Bethlehem, land of Judah,⁵
are certainly not the least important among the rulers of Judah;
for from you there will emerge a leader,
who will be the shepherd of my people Israel.’ ”
⁷Then Herod called the magi to a private meeting and got them to tell him the
exact time when the star had appeared. ⁸Then he sent them off to Bethlehem, and
said, “Go and make detailed inquiries about the child, and when you have found
him come back and tell me, so that I too can come and pay homage to him.”
When the magi had listened to the king they set off, and there was the star
which they had seen when it rose now going ahead of⁷ them, until it came to rest⁸
above the place where the child was. ¹ When they saw the star they were
absolutely delighted, ¹¹and they went into the house and saw the child with his
mother Mary; then they prostrated themselves and paid homage to him, and
opening their treasure-chests they offered him gifts of gold, frankincense¹ and
myrrh.
¹²Then, being warned in a dream not to go back to Herod, they went away to
their own country by a different route.
The first point Matthew needs to establish in his “geographical apologetic” for
the origins of the Messiah is that Jesus “of Nazareth” was in fact born where the
Messiah must be born, in the Davidic town of Bethlehem. Central to this first
infancy story therefore is the combined quotation of Mic 5:2 and 2 Sam 5:2
which identifies the Messiah’s birthplace specifically as Bethlehem in Judah, and
the surrounding narrative explains how this was in fact the birthplace of Jesus,
even though subsequent events (equally attested to both by scriptural quotation
and by divine guidance in dreams) were to dictate his relocation to Nazareth in
Galilee.
But there is more to being born in Bethlehem than a correct geographical origin.
If Bethlehem is the town of David, a “son of David” born there is born to be
“King of the Jews” (as the “book of origin” in 1:1–17 with its royal dynastic
focus has already indicated). This title will not reappear in Matthew’s narrative
until chapter 27, when it will sum up the political charge against Jesus. There, as
here, it will be used only by non-Jews; Jews themselves will use the more
theologically loaded equivalents “king of Israel,” “Messiah,” and “Son of
David.” But whereas in the circumstances of ch. 27, with Jesus a prisoner on
trial and going to execution, there is a sharp irony about the title “King of the
Jews,” here in v. 2 it has no such connotation. It is the Gentile way of saying
what a Jew would mean by “Messiah” (the term which Herod, who could hardly
refer to someone else as “king of the Jews,” substitutes in v. 5).
This royal note runs through the story as a whole. Several strands of scriptural
fulfillment are woven into the story,¹¹ quite apart from the overt Davidic
quotation in v. 6, all of them contributing to the reader’s reflection on Jesus’
specific role as “King of the Jews.”¹²
Most obviously,¹³ the visit of foreign dignitaries to Jerusalem to see the son of
David recalls the story of the Queen of Sheba (1 Kings 10:1–10), and Matthew’s
specific mention of the presentation of gold, frankincense and myrrh echoes her
royal gift to Solomon of “gold and a great quantity of spices” (1 Kgs 10:10), as
well as other OT passages which take her visit and gifts as a model for the future
glory of the Messiah (Ps 72:10–11,15 “tribute,” “gifts,” “gold of Sheba;” Isa
60:5–6 “the wealth of the nations,” “gold and frankincense,” also with specific
mention of Sheba). The “kings” who are the donors in Ps 72:10–11; Is. 60:3¹⁴ are
the source of the later Christian tradition which by the early third century had
turned Matthew’s “magi” into kings.¹⁵ Matthew thus prepares the way for Jesus’
later declaration that “something greater than Solomon is here.” (12:42)
Secondly the star which plays such a prominent role in the story invites
reflection on Balaam’s prophecy in Num 24:17–19 of the rise (LXX anatelei,
echoed in Matthew’s anatolē, vv. 2, 9) of a “star out of Jacob and a scepter out of
Israel.” which is then interpreted as a ruler who will destroy Israel’s enemies and
take possession of the lands of Moab and Edom, a prophecy which was
understood to point forward to the conquests of King David, and which thus also
foreshadows the victory of the “son of David.”¹
Thirdly, the likely influence of Balaam’s prophecy suggests that perhaps Balaam
himself, the man who “saw” the messianic star rise (Num 24:15–17), may also
be in mind as a model for the magi. He, like them, was a non-Israelite “holy
man” and visionary¹⁷ from the east: Num 22:5 locates his home on the
Euphrates, while LXX Num 23:7 speaks of him being summoned from
Mesopotamia, and uses the same phrase apʾ anatolōn (“from the East”) which
Matthew uses in 2:1. He, like the magi, was pressurized by a king (Balak) intent
on destroying the true people of God, but refused to cooperate and instead took
the side of God’s people.¹⁸
Fourthly, the prominent role of Herod in the story prepares the way for his
infanticide in v. 16. The story of Herod’s fear for his throne and his ruthless
political massacre could hardly fail to remind a Jewish reader of the Pharaoh at
the time of Moses’ birth whose infanticide threatened to destroy Israel’s future
deliverer, while Jesus’ providential escape to Egypt and subsequent return will
echo the story of Moses’ escape from slaughter and of his subsequent exile and
return when “those who were seeking your life are dead.” (Exod 4:19, echoed
here in 2:20) Herod’s place in the story thus ensures not only a reflection on who
is the true “king of the Jews” and on the contrast between Herod’s ruthlessly-
protected political power and Jesus’ different way of being “king,” but also sets
up the typological model for the new-born Messiah to play the role of the new
Moses, who will also deliver his people (cf 1:21) and through whose ministry a
new people of God will be constituted just as Israel became God’s chosen people
through the exodus and the covenant at Sinai under the leadership of Moses. We
shall note frequent and quite varied pointers to this New Moses and New Exodus
typology as we work through Matthew’s story, but its foundation has been firmly
laid at the outset as the reader is invited to recognize in Herod and Jesus a
counterpart to Pharaoh and Moses.
This Moses typology suggests itself even by comparison with the basic story as
recorded in Exodus. But as we have already noted (see above on 1:21) Jewish
traditions about the birth of Moses had by the first century developed well
beyond the Exodus story, and for those who know those fuller traditions there is
further rich material for typological comparison.¹ According to this developing
tradition not only was Moses’ father Amram informed in a dream of his son’s
future role (Josephus, Ant. 2.210–216; see above p. 52, n. 45), but Pharaoh too,
who according to the Exodus account was simply aiming at a genocidal
reduction of the Israelite population, was also according to Josephus (Ant.
2.205,209) specifically warned of the birth of one child who was destined to
humble Egypt and exalt Israel, as a result of which both Pharaoh and the
Egyptians were alarmed (Ant. 2.206,215; cf Matt 2:3) and decided on the policy
of infanticide. The warning was delivered, according to Josephus, by an
Egyptian “sacred scribe” (hierogrammateus), but other sources attribute it more
specifically to “astrologers” (Exod. Rab. 1:18; b. Sanh. 101b), which would
correspond to Matthew’s magoi. According to Tg. Ps.-J. Exod. 1:15 Pharaoh
himself had a dream which was interpreted to similar effect by his magicians,
Jannes and Jambres. The element of a specific targeting of the destined deliverer
which is missing from the Exodus account is thus supplied to make Matthew’s
typological parallel still more compelling for those in the know.²
The story of the homage of the magi is thus not only a demonstration of the
fulfillment of the messianic prophecy of Mic 5:2 but also a multi-layered study
of the fulfillment of scriptural models in the coming of Jesus, with royal,
messianic motifs at the heart of those models. It is, of course, also an infancy
story (though not, like the rest of 1:18–2:23, one narrated from the point of view
of Joseph), and the magi have appropriately taken their place in traditional
nativity scenes alongside Luke’s shepherds and angels, even though neither
evangelist betrays any awareness of the other’s narrative elements. The only
internal clue to how much time Matthew may have thought to elapse between
the birth of Jesus and this visit is Herod’s targeting of children “up to two years
old,” but that need not reflect a precise interval. If the initial appearance of the
star was understood to mark the time of the Messiah’s birth (as Herod apparently
thought, v. 7), the visit must be sufficiently long after that to allow the magi to
reach Jerusalem from their unspecified country of origin (see on v. 1); the
contiguous arrival at the manger of Luke’s shepherds and Matthew’s magi thus
owes more to theatrical convenience than to historical probability!
But were there really any magi? As for most of the narratives in the gospels,
there is of course no independent confirmation for this account (which appears to
be from a different source from the rest of Matthew’s infancy narratives, see on
v. 11). A parallel is sometimes found in the famous visit by eastern magi to
Rome to pay homage to Nero in A.D. 66,²¹ but the parallels are not very close
(Rome is not Jerusalem, and the political advantages of such a visit to the
reigning emperor are hardly comparable to the motivation of Matthew’s magi),
and the visit took place after what I regard as the most likely date of Matthew’s
gospel. At the most it demonstrates that high-ranking eastern magi were willing
and able to travel west for diplomatic reasons. There is evidence that astrologers
in Babylonia were interested in events in “the Westland” (Palestine).²² The alarm
of Herod at the hint of a royal rival, and his subsequent violent response, ring
true to what we know of the later years of his reign (see below on v. 16). So the
basic story-line is not out of keeping with our knowledge of the period, but
independent confirmation is in the nature of the case most improbable.²³
The element in the story which most obviously invites scepticism is the guiding
star with its apparently purposeful movement and stopping to indicate a specific
location (see on v. 9). See below on v. 2 for some attempts to explain it in
astronomical terms. But again, this is not a hopeful quest: the information
Matthew provides is very limited, and in any case a story-teller’s account from
the point of view of even astronomically alert observers in a pre-scientific
culture (presumably after being relayed by a number of less sophisticated
intermediary sources) is not a promising basis for scientific reconstruction. Nor
is such reconstruction necessary to appreciate Matthew’s story. That a group of
astrologers believed that the star had “guided” them to the right place is quite
credible, but what it was about the phenomenon which led them to this
conclusion we cannot now hope to know.
See below for the dubious reputation of magi in Jewish and Christian circles. If
there were no historical basis for this narrative, it is unlikely that a church which
repudiated astrology and magic would have embarrassed itself by inventing such
undesirable witnesses to the Messiah.²⁴
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