The Expanded and Annotated My Life and Work


MANUFACTURING AN END TO WAR



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The Expanded and Annotated My Life and Work Henry Ford's Universal Code for World-Class Success ( PDFDrive )

MANUFACTURING AN END TO WAR
George S. Patton Jr.’s “The End of War” condemns the naïve belief that trea-
ties, pacifism, and so on can prevent war. The poem concludes (Nye, 1993, 49):
They will return to futileness,
As quickly as before,
Though Truth and History vainly shout,
“THERE IS NO END TO WAR.”
Historians have depicted Henry Ford as a pacifist, but he was actually 
a pragmatic realist. Per Ford and Crowther (1926, pp. 258–259), Ford 
opposed unilateral disarmament on a national scale, along with restrictive 
gun control laws on an individual level. He said explicitly that it is worse 
than futile to arm the world’s bandits while disarming the world’s honest 
nations and citizens. The fact that Ford opposed war (as do most profes-
sional soldiers) did not mean he was against possession of the means of 


214  •  The Expanded and Annotated My Life and Work
finishing a conflict that somebody else started. His industries meanwhile 
played major and decisive roles in both World Wars.
Ford’s achievement, however, was to describe an economic model that 
might make war obsolete. Ford and Crowther (1930, p. 270) apply the same 
model to crime with the statement that a typical criminal actually works 
harder, and for less remuneration, than an honest worker. Somebody who 
can earn a higher wage than he can steal will obviously prefer the honest 
job that entails no chance of trouble with the police. It is reasonable to 
expand this common sense observation to argue that a nation that can 
produce more wealth than it can rob from its neighbors will do the former 
and not the latter.
This vision became realistic only with the advent of the Industrial 
Revolution. Land was the human species’ predominant source of wealth 
well into the mid-nineteenth century, and land and armies have shared a 
close connection throughout history. The most prestigious Greek soldiers 
(hoplites) were landowners who could afford costly bronze armor, and they 
were willing to fight in ranks with other landowners to protect this source 
of immovable wealth. They also were frequently the only people who had 
the right to vote in Greece’s democracies, which was eminently reasonable 
because they had the biggest stakes in their communities. Those without 
land could simply flee from an invader, while landowners had to stand and 
fight if they wanted to keep their property.
Medieval feudal systems also centered on land. A king would typically 
grant land to a vassal in return for the vassal’s fealty. The vassal used the 
land as a source of wealth, and also to support armed retainers upon whom 
the king could call in time of war. The Ottoman Empire’s timariot system 
granted a fief of land to a spahi (cavalryman) who then had to make him-
self and his retainers available for military service.
There was meanwhile a clear class distinction in the British Army 
between officers who owned land or were heirs to land, and those who 
had no land. The former often purchased commissions, i.e., paid for the 
privilege of fighting, which demonstrated to upper-class society their will-
ingness to defend the nation’s land. This social class tended to look down 
on those who earned money from any kind of trade, and might show more 
respect to a debt-ridden landowner than to a prosperous industrialist. In 
George MacDonald Fraser’s Flashman (1969), Lord Cardigan expels the 
protagonist from his regiment after the latter’s shotgun marriage to the 
daughter of a wealthy factory owner.


Things in General  •  215
The ability of the factory to transform raw material into enormous 
wealth, however, should have begun to change the “land = wealth” para-
digm in the late nineteenth century. Industrialization provides a nation 
with the ability to create far more material wealth than it is likely to seize 
from its neighbors. Ford and Crowther (1926, p. 268) conclude that world 
peace will come from a working class whose men can afford collared shirts 
instead of kerchiefs, and whose women can buy hats instead of shawls.
* * *
Today I am more opposed to war than ever I was, and I think the people of the 
world know—even if the politicians do not—that war never settles anything. 
It was war that made the orderly and profitable processes of the world what 
they are to-day—a loose, disjointed mass. Of course, some men get rich out 
of war; others get poor. But the men who get rich are not those who fought or 
who really helped behind the lines. No patriot makes money out of war. No 
man with true patriotism could make money out of war—out of the sacrifice 
of other men’s lives. Until the soldier makes money by fighting, until mothers 
make money by giving their sons to death—not until then should any citizen 
make money out of providing his country with the means to preserve its life.
If wars are to continue, it will be harder and harder for the upright busi-
ness man to regard war as a legitimate means of high and speedy profits. 
War fortunes are losing caste every day. Even greed will some day hesitate 
before the overwhelming unpopularity and opposition which will meet the 
war profiteer. Business should be on the side of peace, because peace is busi-
ness’s best asset. And, by the way, was inventive genius ever so sterile as it 
was during the war?

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