To illustrate more clearly how this conceptual model works, consider the following
hypothetical exchange in which a speaker, who for the sake of argument needs to get
a taxi home, decides to borrow some money from a close acquaintance:
(1)
A:
Could you lend me five pounds, please?
B:
Umm, OK. [hands money to A]
The two utterances in (1) combine to form a jointly produced
unit of discourse called
an
exchange
. Here the speaker’s request prompts a reaction from the hearer, expressed
through both a verbal act (‘Umm, OK’) and the non-verbal act of handing over the
money. This ‘request and reaction’ pattern is a common exchange type, as are other
familiar two-part pairings like ‘question and answer’ and ‘statement and acknow-
ledgement’.
Of course, this simple exchange pattern may have been realised through other
structural permutations, through other variations along
the axis of combination as
it were. For instance:
(2)
A:
Could you lend me five pounds, please?
B:
What d’ye wannit for?
A:
I need to get a taxi home.
B:
Umm, OK. [hands money to A]
Here, the progress of the exchange is delayed by speaker B’s request for clarification.
This utterance prompts a little mini-exchange, known as an
insertion sequence
, which,
until it is completed, holds up the progression of the main exchange.
The axis of selection, with its focus on strategy, emphasises the ‘tactical’ nature of
discourse. In this respect, the form of A’s utterance represents just one choice from
a pool of options that are available to speakers. More direct choices present them-
selves, as do more indirect ones:
Choice 2 [more direct]:
Lend me five pounds.
Choice 1:
Could you lend me five pounds, please?
Choice 3 [less direct]:
Er, I think I might have a bit of a problem getting
home . . .
This three-way pattern of options says much about the ways in which we make
strategic choices in utterance selection. We tend to balance the need for directness,
whose principal pay-off
is clarity and conciseness, with the need for indirectness,
whose principal pay-off is politeness. Much of our everyday linguistic practice
involves instant on-the-spot calculations of this sort. Choice 2, for example, is a maxi-
mally direct speech act because it matches up a grammatical form with the function
of the utterance: it uses an imperative structure to make a request. However, while
this tactic is unquestionably efficient and clear as a directive, its forthrightness will
be interpreted as peremptory and rude in many contexts. Choice 3 is, by contrast, a
more
oblique gambit, the content of which is rather more tangential to the task it
36
I N T R O D U C T I O N
asks of the hearer. It is a
hint
, so defined because the body of the utterance makes
no direct lexical link to what it implicitly refers. The pay-off
is that the speaker is
seen to be politely non-coercive, although the down-side is that the relative obscu-
rity of the utterance means that it stands less chance of successfully accomplishing
its goal.
It
is interesting, then, that the middle sequence, choice 1, would seem to be the
default option for most interactive contexts. This strategy exhibits
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