Politics of
Uzbekistan
The Republic of Uzbekistan is a
presidential
constitutional republic, whereby the
President of
Uzbekistan
is
head of state
.
Executive power
is exercised by the
government
and by the
Prime Minister of Uzbekistan
.
Legislative power is vested in the two chambers of the
Oliy Majlis
, the
Senate
and the
Legislative Chamber
. The judicial branch (or judiciary), is composed of the
Supreme Court
,
Constitutional Court
, and
Higher Economic Court
that exercises
judicial power
.
The movement toward economic reform in
Uzbekistan
has not been matched by a movement
toward political reform. The government of Uzbekistan has instead tightened its grip since
independence (September 1, 1991), cracking down increasingly on opposition groups.
Although the names have changed, the institutions of government remain similar to those
that existed before the breakup of the
Soviet Union
.
The government has justified its restraint of public assembly, opposition parties, and the
media by emphasizing the need for stability and a gradual approach to change during the
transitional period, citing the conflict and chaos in the other former republics (most
convincingly, neighbouring
Tajikistan
). This approach has found credence among a large
share of Uzbekistan's population, although such a position may not be sustainable in the long
run.
Despite the trappings of institutional change, the first years of independence saw more
resistance than acceptance of the institutional changes required for democratic reform to
take hold. Whatever initial movement toward
democracy
existed in Uzbekistan in the early
days of independence seems to have been overcome by the inertia of the remaining Soviet-
style strong centralized leadership.
In the Soviet era, Uzbekistan organized its government and its local communist party in
conformity with the structure prescribed for all the republics. The
Communist Party of the
Soviet Union
(CPSU) occupied the central position in ruling the country. The party provided
both the guidance and the personnel for the government structure. The system was strictly
bureaucratic: every level of government and every governmental body found its mirror image
in the party. The instrument used by the CPSU to control the bureaucracy was the system of
nomenklatura
, a list of sensitive jobs in the government and other important organizations
that could be filled only with party approval. The nomenklatura defined the Soviet political
leadership, and the people on the list invariably were members of the CPSU.
Following the failure of the
coup
against the government of
Mikhail Gorbachev
in
Moscow
in
August 1991, Uzbekistan's
Supreme Soviet
declared the independence of the republic,
henceforth to be known as the Republic of Uzbekistan. At the same time, the
Communist
Party of Uzbekistan
voted to cut its ties with the CPSU; three months later, it changed its
name to the
People's Democratic Party of Uzbekistan
(PDPU), but the party leadership, under
President
Islam Karimov
, remained in place. Independence brought a series of institutional
changes, but the substance of governance in Uzbekistan changed much less dramatically.
On December 21, 1991, together with the leaders of ten other Soviet republics, Karimov
agreed to dissolve the Soviet Union and form the
Commonwealth of Independent States
, of
which Uzbekistan became a charter member according to the
Alma-Ata
Declaration
. Shortly
thereafter, Karimov was elected president of independent Uzbekistan in the new country's
first contested election. Karimov drew 86% of the vote against opposition candidate
Muhammad Salih
(or Salikh), whose showing experts praised in view of charges that the
election had been rigged. The major opposition party,
Birlik
, had been refused registration in
time for the election.
In 1992 the PDPU retained the dominant position in the executive and legislative branches of
government that the Communist Party of Uzbekistan had enjoyed. All true opposition groups
were repressed and physically discouraged. Birlik, the original opposition party formed by
intellectuals in 1989, was banned for allegedly subversive activities, establishing the Karimov
regime's dominant rationalization for increased authoritarianism:
Islamic fundamentalism
threatened to overthrow the secular state and establish an Islamic regime similar to that in
Iran
.
Independence
The constitution ratified in December 1992 reaffirmed that Uzbekistan was a
secular
state.
Although the constitution prescribed a new form of legislature, the PDPU-dominated
Supreme Soviet remained in office for nearly two years until the first election to the new
parliament, the
Oliy Majlis
, which took place in December 1994 and January 1995.
In 1993 Karimov's concern about the spread of Islamic fundamentalism spurred Uzbekistan's
participation in the multinational CIS peacekeeping force sent to quell the civil war in nearby
Tajikistan - a force that remained in place three years later because of continuing hostilities.
Meanwhile, in 1993 and 1994 continued repression by the Karimov regime brought strong
criticism from international human rights organizations.
In March 1995, Karimov took another step in the same direction by securing a 99% majority in
a referendum on extending his term as president from the prescribed next election in 1997 to
2000.
In early 1995, Karimov announced a new policy of toleration
for opposition parties and
coalitions, apparently in response to the need to improve Uzbekistan's international
commercial position. A few new parties were registered in 1995, although the degree of their
opposition to the government was doubtful, and some imprisonments of opposition political
figures continued.
The parliamentary election, the first held under the new constitution's guarantee of universal
suffrage to all citizens 18 years of age or older, excluded all parties except the PDPU and the
pro-government
Progress of the Fatherland Party
, despite earlier promises that all parties
would be free to participate. The new, 250-seat Oliy Majlis included only 69 members elected
as PDPU candidates, but an estimated 120 more deputies were PDPU members technically
nominated to represent local councils rather than the PDPU. The result was that Karimov's
solid majority continued after the new parliament went into the office.
From the beginning of his presidency,
Karimov
remained nominally committed to instituting
democratic reforms. A new constitution was adopted by the legislature in December 1992.
Officially it created a separation of powers among a strong presidency, the