Pernilla Hallonsten Halling

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WORD 1645554766440 (1)

Property word	Other

aaleing ‘without shame’	ambá(ye) ‘anyway, nonetheless’	misim ‘for free,
beténg ‘carefully’	amít(ye) ‘always’	(as) a treat’
bli ‘quickly’	asalût ‘high up’	imín ‘again’
dilbî ‘loose’	besa ‘just’	sin ‘already, first’
dim ‘in vain, infelicitous’	daait ‘collectively, commonly’	skéim ‘far’
fiab ‘slowly’	dót ‘very’	sm¯a ‘still’
fút ‘quickly’	¯efamak ‘somewhere around here’	sún ‘habitually’
hebmamsâb ‘fast, quickly’	¯ele ‘here’	un ‘temporarily’
imblia ‘heedlessly, unthought-	f(l)ifli ‘across’	wekîb ‘very, a lot’
fully, inadvertently,	hanggâu ‘again (repeating the	y¯e,y¯o ‘there, so’
through an oversight’	action of the succeeding verb)’	y¯ebbaka ‘together,
klâ ‘really, properly’	kimin ‘same’	as well’
kweimiki ‘deliberately’	makob(ye) ‘like, quasi’	y¯efamak ‘some-
mifin ‘selfishly’	méb ‘close’	where around
sanggwâu ‘quickly, suddenly’	mikil ‘ready’	there’

Fedden (2011) illustrates a common way to employ the term adverb in language de- scriptions. Items of various semantic types are classified as belonging to one and the same adverb category. Generally, my aim is to distinguish property words from adverbs that denote, e.g., time, place, aspect, or deictic expressions. However, sometimes this distinction is unclear, as in the case of the Mian dim ‘in vain, infelicitous’, where one could argue whether this is really a property word. Cases like this are not unexpected, and do not constitute a problem for the majority of clearcut cases such as bli ‘quickly’ (property-denoting adverb) and sm¯a ‘still’ (aspectual adverb). In what follows, I will include non-property-denoting adverbs in the discussion when these are grouped with property-denoting adverbs, or when the line is difficult to draw. Nevertheless, the focus remains on property words. In (5.1), an example of a Mian Adverb in context is provided.

(5.1) Mian (Nuclear Trans New Guinean) (Fedden 2011: 121)

naka=e
man=sg.m
hebmamsâb
fast
wen-b-e=be
eat.ipfv-ipfv-3sg.m.sbj=decl
adv

‘The man is eating fast.’

The 38 members that the Mian Adverb class displays, according to Fedden (2011), may not seem like a great number, let alone the 12 that remain when the set is restricted to property-denoting Adverbs. Compared to other languages, the Mian Adverbs are

nonetheless quite numerous. In Krongo (Kadugli-Krongo) only a handful of Adverbs

are attested:
a´ka`ra`kka`r`r ‘fast’,
a´mùsù ‘slowly’, and
a´ma`liN ‘secretly’ (Reh 1985: 300).

Languages with a small number of adverbs can be compared to languages with very few adjectives, as described by Dixon (1982 [1977]: 4).
(5.2) Krongo (Kadugli-Krongo)(Reh 1985: 300)

íisò

m.ipfv.run
káaw
person
´ak`ar`akk`ar`r.

fast

adv

‘The man runs fast.’

íisò

m.ipfv.run
káaw
person
´amùsù.

slowly

adv

‘The man runs slowly.’

The Adverbs in Koyra Chiini (Songhay) consist of one antonym pair only, with redupli- cated versions: mooso or mooso-mooso ‘gently, slowly, delicately’ and tamba or tamba- tamba ‘fast, quickly, immediately, early’ (Heath 1999: 253). Although both examples seem ideophonic, no comment on this is found in the grammar. Whereas tamba can in fact also be used as a Verb meaning ‘hurry, do fast, go fast’, this is not the case with mooso (see examples 129–130 in appendix B). Further difficulties in limiting adverbs to property words arise here, since tamba has a clear property meaning (‘fast, quickly’), but also time-related meanings such as ‘immediately, early’. Such polysemy will be discussed in detail in chapter 8.

(5.3) Koyra Chiini (Songhay) (Heath 1999: 253)

a-a
3sgsbj-ipfv
fana
crawl
mooso-mooso

slow-reDup

adv

‘He crawls slowly.’

In Estonian, only one single simple Adverb is attested, namely ruttu ‘quickly’, as illus- trated in (5.4).

(5.4) Estonian (Uralic) (Viitso 1998: 142)

jookse
run
ruttu

quickly

adv

‘run quickly’

The ‘simple’ status of ruttu is debatable, since it could be treated as a case form of the Noun rutt ‘haste’ (Wiedemann 1973). However, ruttu seems to be undergoing lexical- ization as a simple Adverb (for further discussion of lexicalization in adv, see section 8.4).

The differing number of simple adverbs cross-linguistically is reminiscent of how adjec- tive classes vary in size, as described by Dixon (1982 [1977], 2004). The above examples illustrate that the semantic content of the adverbs is nonetheless fairly constant. This will be discussed in detail in chapter 8.

Although the majority of sample languages with adverbs also have a class of adjectives, this is not always the case, contrary to what has been claimed in the works of, e.g., Hengeveld (2013: 35). Out of the languages with adverbs listed in table 5.1, a dozen languages do not have adjectives. Jamul Tiipay (Cochimi-Yuman) is one of these. Here, Stative Verbs are used in attr and pred.

(5.5) Jamul Tiipay (Cochimi-Yuman) (Miller 2001: 208, 138)

... shenyaaw-pu

acorn-dem
[suukwiny
[pot
kw-atay]-lly
sbj.rel-be.big]-in
shuuwii...
put.in.container
attr

‘... she put the acorn [flour] into a big pot (lit. pot which was big)...’

me-tay

2sg-big
‘you are big’

pred

Miller (2001) lists 19 Jamul Tiipay Adverbs, and the property words among them are presented in table 5.3.

Table 5.3. Property-denoting Adverbs in Jamul Tiipay (Miller 2001: 170)

llye’yum / llyeyum ‘quickly, promptly’
lyepaay ‘gently, slowly, softly’
spir ‘hard, fast, loudly’
ta’ruy / taruy ‘straight, well, carefully, directly, honestly’

tewaylly ‘reluctantly’
Two of the Jamul Tiipay Adverbs are exemplified in context in (5.6).

(5.6) Jamul Tiipay (Cochimi-Yuman) (Miller 2001: 170)

nya-xiichuur-chm

when-be.winter-ds
nyaa
day

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