another. Certainly, in the 1970s, when ESP experienced a remarkable
growth in courses and textbooks, it seemed that all English teachers needed
to do was to explain how particular surface features expressed universal
processes. Contents of ESP textbooks of the 1970s and early 1980s focus on
expressions used to articulate notions such as ‘cyclical and linear pro-
cesses’, ‘structures of classification’, and ‘defining technical terms’. The
assumption that scientific English is the surface manifestation of universal
procedures underlies H.G. Widdowson and J.P.B. Allen’s approach to
teaching scientific English in higher education in their series
English in
Focus
(Widdowson & Allen, 1974,
reprinted in Swales, 1985: 75):
We will suppose that we are to design an English course for students of
science in the first year of higher education. We make two basic
assumptions. Firstly, we assume that in spite of the shortcomings of
secondary school English teaching, the students have acquired consid-
erable dormant competence in the manipulation of the language
system. Secondly, we assume that they already have knowledge of
basic science. Hitherto, these two kinds of knowledge have existed in
separation: our task is to relate them.
The
English in Focus
series was popular and influential in the 1970s, and
Widdowson is, of course, regarded as one of the main theorists of a commu-
nicative methodology. It is interesting to note that his concern with the
communication of ‘basic science’ implies that it is unaffected by matters of
cultural relativity: the scientific culture of the L2 learners is regarded as
identical to that of their native-speaker science teachers. More precisely,
the communicative activities engaged in by scientists are regarded as
constant across cultures and levels of professional qualification. More
recent work in the philosophy, sociology and discourse analysis of scien-
tific texts has called this assumption into question. Any communicative
activity implies a cultural context, which must be drawn upon to make
sense of it: if the cultural context is changed, then the meaning of the com-
munication changes too. This is true even of scientific and professional
English.
Connor (1996) surveys developments in the discipline of contrastive
rhetoric in the last three decades of the 20th century, and cites various
studies of cultural difference in scientific and professional writing. There
are, for example, many differences in the degree of explicitness and
certainty with which a suggestion or a claim to knowledge is expressed
across cultures. Connor reports a study that argues that Japanese business
managers are more tentative when making recommendations than their
American counterparts (Connor, 1988, 1996: 141–2). Other writers suggest
that Anglo-American scientists are more tentative than their continental
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