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Peasants or judicial technicians: can the subaltern speak?
 
In Rwanda the real non-state 
administration of justice is taking place outside the Gacaca activities, in line with what is 
described in section 2.5. A thorough assessment and understanding of the social practices of 
the population iin:,question is necessary to verify whether an adaptation or implementation of 
a traditional justice and reconciliation mechanism will be productive. The strength of 
traditional justice mechanisms probably lies in the fact that they function in line with the 
socio-cultural habitat of the population in their daily activities. This may not be seen as an 
effective way of dealing with the past from the perspective of a human rights body, but it is 

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the way of the local--population, 
partly out of necessity, partly out of choice. Paradoxically, 
the activities of the Gacaca to a certain extent go against the practices already developed over 
time to deal with the past. They do not fit into the pragmatism of the peasant's lifestyle and 
are not adapted to the realpolitik of the micro-cosmos. This confirms their status as an 
'invented tradition' and a rupture with the past. Moreover, there is a severe deficiency in the 
historical and cultural understanding of the ancient Gacaca, and the conception and 
implementation process of the modem Gacaca does not take into account the socio-political 
dimensions and consequences of the process. 'We only apply the law' has been the dominant 
response of the regime in general and the lawyers, and the majority of the non-governmental 
organizations, implementing and assisting the Gacaca process. A narrow legalistic approach 
can be a safeguard in the interactions with government officials in a closely monitored and 
tightly closed-off socio-political environment, but it also implies self imposed partial 
blindness to a number of the elements at stake. A customary-inspired mechanism needs a 
culturally sensitive approach. 
d.