Module 21
Recalling Long-Term Memories
229
the source of the memory becomes unclear or ambiguous, people may become con-
fused about whether they actually experienced the event or whether it was imagined.
Ultimately, people come to believe that the event actually occurred (Loftus, 2004;
Wade, Sharman, & Garry, 2007; Bernstein & Loftus, 2009a).
There is great controversy regarding the legitimacy of repressed memories. Many
therapists give great weight to authenticity of repressed memories, and their views
are supported by research showing that there are specifi c regions of the brain that
help keep unwanted memories out of awareness. On the other side of the issue are
researchers who maintain that there is insuffi cient scientifi c support for the existence
of such memories. There is also a middle ground: memory researchers who suggest
that false memories are a result of normal information processing. The challenge for
those on all sides of the issue is to distinguish truth from fi ction (Brown & Pope,
1996; Strange, Clifasefi , & Garry, 2007; Bernstein & Loftus, 2009b).
AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL MEMORY: WHERE PAST MEETS PRESENT
Your memory of experiences in your own past may well be a fi ction—or at least a
distortion of what actually occurred. The same constructive processes that make us
inaccurately recall the behavior of others also reduce the accuracy of autobiographi-
cal memories.
Autobiographical memories are our recollections of circumstances and
episodes from our own lives. Autobiographical memories encompass the episodic
memories we hold about ourselves (Rubin, 1999; Sutin & Robins, 2007).
For example, we tend to forget information about our past that is incompatible
with the way in which we currently see ourselves. One study found that adults who
were well adjusted but who had been treated for emotional problems during the
early years of their lives tended to forget important but troubling childhood events,
such as being in foster care. College students misremember their bad grades—but
remember their good ones (see Figure 5; Walker, Skowronski, & Thompson, 2003;
Kemps & Tiggemann, 2007).
Similarly, when a group of 48-year-olds were asked to recall how they had
responded on a questionnaire they had completed when they were high school fresh-
man, their accuracy was no better than chance. For example, although 61% of the
questionnaire respondents said that playing sports and other physical activities was
their favorite pastime, only 23% of the adults recalled it accurately (Offer et al., 2000).
It is not just certain kinds of events that are distorted; particular periods of life
are remembered more easily than others. For example, when people reach late adult-
hood, they remember periods of life in which they experienced major transitions,
such as attending college and working at their fi rst job, better than they remember
their middle-age years. Similarly, although most adults’ earliest memories of their
own lives are of events that occurred when they were toddlers, toddlers show evi-
dence of recall of events that occurred when they were as young as 6 months old
(Simcock & Hayne, 2002; Wang, 2003; Cordnoldi, De Beni, & Helstrup, 2007).
Travelers who have visited areas of the world in which there is
no written language often have returned with tales of people
with phenomenal memories. For instance, storytellers in some
preliterate cultures can recount long chronicles that recall the
names and activities of people over many generations. Those
feats led experts to argue initially that people in preliterate
societies develop a different, and perhaps better, type of memory
than do those in cultures that employ a written language. They suggested that in a
society that lacks writing, people are motivated to recall information with accuracy,
especially information relating to tribal histories and traditions that would be lost if
they were not passed down orally from one generation to another (Daftary & Meri,
2002; Berntsen & Rubin, 2004).
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