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PA R T V I
International Finance and Monetary Policy
currency depreciation and still greater deterioration of balance sheets. The result-
ing increase in moral hazard and adverse selection problems in financial markets,
along the lines discussed in Chapter 8, would only make the financial crisis worse.
Central banks in emerging-market countries therefore have only a very limited
ability to successfully engage in a lender-of-last-resort operation. However,
liquidity provided by an international lender of last resort does not have these
undesirable consequences, and in helping to stabilize the value of the domestic
currency it strengthens domestic balance sheets. Moreover, an international lender
of last resort may be able to prevent contagion, the situation in which a success-
ful speculative attack on one emerging-market currency leads to attacks on other
emerging-market currencies, spreading financial and economic disruption. Since a
lender of last resort for emerging-market countries is needed at times, and since it
cannot be provided domestically, there is a strong rationale for an international
institution to fill this role. Indeed, since Mexico s financial crisis in 1994, the
International Monetary Fund and other international agencies have stepped into
the lender-of-last-resort role and provided emergency lending to countries threat-
ened by financial instability.
However, support from an international lender of last resort brings risks of its
own, especially the risk that the perception it is standing ready to bail out irrespon-
sible financial institutions may lead to excessive risk taking of the sort that makes
financial crises more likely. In the Mexican and East Asian crises, governments in
the crisis countries used IMF support to protect depositors and other creditors of
banking institutions from losses. This safety net creates a well-known moral haz-
ard problem because the depositors and other creditors have less incentive to
monitor these banking institutions and withdraw their deposits if the institutions
are taking on too much risk. The result is that these institutions are encouraged to
take on excessive risks. Indeed, critics of the IMF
most prominently the U.S.
Congressional Commission headed by Professor Alan Meltzer of Carnegie-Mellon
University
contend that IMF lending in the Mexican crisis, which was used to bail
out foreign lenders, set the stage for the East Asian crisis. They argue that these
lenders expected to be bailed out if things went wrong and thus provided funds
that were used to fuel excessive risk taking.
8
An international lender of last resort must find ways to limit this moral hazard
problem, or it can actually make the situation worse. The international lender of
last resort can make it clear that it will extend liquidity only to governments that
put the proper measures in place to prevent excessive risk taking. In addition, it
can reduce the incentives for risk taking by restricting the ability of governments
to bail out stockholders and large uninsured creditors of domestic financial insti-
tutions. Some critics of the IMF believe that the IMF has not put enough pressure
on the governments to which it lends to contain the moral hazard problem.
One problem that arises for international organizations like the IMF engaged
in lender-of-last-resort operations is that they know that if they don t come to the
rescue, the emerging-market country will suffer extreme hardship and possible
political instability. Politicians in the crisis country may exploit these concerns and
engage in a game of chicken with the international lender of last resort: they resist
necessary reforms, hoping that the IMF will cave in. Elements of this game were
present in the Mexican crisis of 1995 and were also a particularly important fea-
ture of the negotiations between the IMF and Indonesia during the Asian crisis.
8
See International Financial Institution Advisory Commission,
Report
(IFIAC: Washington, D.C., 2000).
The IMF would produce better outcomes if it made it clear that it will not play this
game. Just as giving in to ill-behaved children may be the easy way out in the short
run but supports a pattern of poor behaviour in the long run, some critics worry
that the IMF may not be tough enough when confronted by short-run humanitar-
ian concerns. For example, they have been particularly critical of the IMF s lend-
ing to the Russian government, which has resisted adopting appropriate reforms
to stabilize its financial system.
The IMF has also been criticized for imposing on the East Asian countries
so-called austerity programs that focus on tight macroeconomic policies rather
than on microeconomic policies to fix the crisis-causing problems in the finan-
cial sector. Such programs are likely to increase resistance to IMF recommenda-
tions, particularly in emerging-market countries. Austerity programs allow
politicians in these countries to label institutions such as the IMF as being anti-
growth, rhetoric that helps the politicians mobilize the public against the IMF
and avoid doing what they really need to do to reform the financial system in
their country. IMF programs that are focused instead on reforms of the financial
sector would increase the likelihood that the IMF will be seen as a helping hand
in the creation of a more efficient financial system.
An important historical feature of successful lender-of-last-resort operations is
that the faster the lending is done, the lower is the amount that actually has to be
lent. An excellent example involving the Federal Reserve occurred in the aftermath
of the stock market crash on October 19, 1987. At the end of that day, in order to
service their customers accounts, securities firms needed to borrow several billion
dollars to maintain orderly trading. However, given the unprecedented develop-
ments, banks were nervous about extending further loans to these firms. Upon
learning this, the U.S. Federal Reserve engaged in an immediate lender-of-last-
resort operation, making it clear that it would provide liquidity to banks making
loans to the securities industry. What is striking about this episode is that the
extremely quick intervention of the Fed not only resulted in a negligible impact of
the stock market crash on the economy, but also meant that the amount of liquid-
ity that the Fed needed to supply to the economy was not very large.
The ability of the Fed to engage in a lender-of-last-resort operation within a
day of a substantial shock to the financial system is in sharp contrast to the
amount of time it has taken the IMF to supply liquidity during the recent crises
in emerging-market countries. Because IMF lending facilities were originally
designed to provide funds after a country was experiencing a balance-of-
payments crisis and because the conditions for the loan had to be negotiated,
it took several months before the IMF made funds available. By this time, the
crises had gotten much worse
and much larger sums of funds were needed to
cope with the crises, often stretching the resources of the IMF. One reason
central banks can lend so much more quickly than the IMF is that they have set
up procedures in advance to provide loans, with the terms and conditions for
this lending agreed upon beforehand. The need for quick provision of liquidity
to keep the loan amount manageable argues for similar credit facilities at the
international lender of last resort, so that funds can be provided quickly as long
as the borrower meets conditions such as properly supervising its banks or
keeping budget deficits low.
The flaws in IMF lending programs discussed above led to countries avoiding
borrowing from the IMF in recent years. Countries did not want to be subjected to
harsh austerity programs and also were unhappy with IMF delays in disbursing
funds during a crisis. As an alternative to the IMF, countries built up substantial
cushions of international reserves to deal with balance-of-payments problems on
C H A P T E R 2 0
The International Financial System
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