Space for Civil Society
After a brief opening in the early 1990s, in the years that followed under Karimov independent civil
society was gradually suffocated. Registration requirements and state interference in activities
progressively expanded, with the Ezgulik Human Rights Centre one of the last independent NGOs to
receive registration in 2003 (only made possible with the assistance of the OSCE and US
Government). In 2004 new requirements on international NGOs to reregister with the Ministry of
Justice, to place all international donations in two particular state banks and to obtain official
permission to access their funds (creating a de facto freeze on NGO bank accounts) led to the closure
of local presence of Internews, the Open Society Foundations and the Institute of War and Peace
Reporting.
134
Crackdown on human rights activists and independent voices in the wake of the 2005
Andijan Massacre led to a further wave of pressure against both local and international NGOs forcing
the withdrawal of most of the remaining international organisations such as the Eurasia Foundation,
CounterPart International, Freedom House, the American Bar Association and IREX.
135
The climate of
repression against independent organisations would persist
throughout the Karimov era.
As is so often the case in much of the post-Soviet space the lack of independent NGOs is not the
same as a lack of NGOs. Many of the most prominent organisations that get described as ‘NGOs’ in
Uzbekistan, such as Buyuk Kelajak or the Public Fund for Support and Development of National Mass
133
Navbahor Imamova, Twitter Post, Twitter, June 2020, https://twitter.com/Navbahor/status/1276698187240218624
134
Eurasianet, Uzbek Authorities Crack Down on Another Foreign NGO in Tashkent, September 2004, https://eurasianet.org/uzbek-
authorities-crack-down-on-another-foreign-ngo-in-tashkent; RSF, Uzbek authorities shut down international organization Internews,
January 2016, https://rsf.org/en/news/uzbek-authorities-shut-down-international-organization-internews; The New Humanitarian, New
registration procedure for international NGOs, January 2004, https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news/2004/01/29/new-registration-
procedure-international-ngos; Office for Communications, Uzbek Government Forces Closures of Local Soros Foundation, Open Society
Foundations, April 2004, https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/newsroom/uzbek-government-forces-closure-local-soros-foundation
135
Relief Web, Uzbekistan: Government closes another American NGO, May 2006, https://reliefweb.int/report/uzbekistan/uzbekistan-
government-closes-another-american-ngo
Spotlight on Uzbekistan
30
Media mentioned above, were founded by Government Decrees, receive significant funding from
state budgets, and are reporting to and operating under the strategic direction of the Government.
Some of these organisations have shown a significant degree of dynamism in recent years with
Yuksalish, a think tank founded in conjunction with the Parliament, for example proactively trying to
raises its profile and engage with international organisations, while developing useful initiatives to
support the sector such as the Unions.uz website that seeks to link NGOs with volunteers.
136
These
quasi non-governmental organisations (QUANGOS) can be an important part of the delivery of
government policy in many countries, they can bring together useful expertise and can often involve
effective public participation but they are not non-governmental in any meaningful sense.
137
As
Dilmurad Yuspov points out in his essay in this collection when all the separately registered local
branches of these systemic NGOs, political parties and trade unions are counted up they amount for
around 65 per cent of the 9338 NGOs that are currently registered with the Ministry of Justice in
Uzbekistan. The government or parliament are quite open about their role in founding such
organisations, leaving little space for the more insidious form of Government Organised Non-
Governmental Organisation (GONGO) seen in some of the countries that have been notionally
independently founded but remain wholly controlled by regime figures. Many of the other NGOs
that have been able to operate are those which address non-controversial topics and humanitarian
activities, allowing more collaborative relations with government.
Unlike the liberalisation in the media environment there has not been a similar opening up for new
independent NGOs. As Dilmurad Yuspov explains the registration for independent NGOs remains a
bureaucratic nightmare (despite some limited reforms and an new online portal) and activities by
unregistered groups are banned, though some have reported that in recent years enforcement of
penalties for unregistered organisations has for the most part become less strict. The fear of
independent, and especially internationally funded NGOs, runs deep across the more authoritarian
parts of the post-Soviet Space, buying into narratives that they were the driving force behind the
Maidan (Ukraine) and the ‘colour’ revolutions of the 2000s.
138
While a direct causal link between
NGOs and revolution remains farfetched, and the subject of substantial propaganda by Russia and
other authoritarians, the growth in truly independent organisations would of course provide new
opportunities for examining the performance of the Government and provide participants with the
skills to do so more effectively.
139
At the moment while criticism of Government policy and delivery is
being encouraged by the President and his administration it is predominantly through means, if not
always directly controlled then at least mediated by, the Government itself.
In the absence of simple registration paths for formal NGOs, informal but very active Facebook and
Telegram groups about issues of local importance have partially filled the void, creating new
opportunities for mobilisation on civic and political issues.
In March 2020, the Government approved the registration of
Huquqiy Tayanch (Legal Base), a
prisoner rights organisation that had been turned down eight times previously and is the first human
rights organisation registered since 2002,
and the US NGO Mercy Corps, which had been previously
deregistered in 2006 in the wake of Andijan.
140
However, this positive first step has not led to a flood
of successful approvals with human rights NGOs, such as the Karakalpakstan based human rights
136
Unions website: http://unions.uz/l; YukSalish, NGOs and volunteers on one web site, March 2020, https://yumh.uz/ru/news_detail/172
137
Oonagh Gay, Quangos, UK Parliament, 2010, https://www.parliament.uk/documents/commons/lib/research/key_issues/Key-Issues-
Quangos.pdf
138
Gazeta.uz, Maidan paranoia, January 2020, https://www.gazeta.uz/ru/2020/01/31/ngos/
139
See the Exporting Repression Project.
140
Steve Swerdlow, Twitter Post, Twitter, February 2020, https://twitter.com/steveswerdlow/status/1223468776974245888?s=11; RFE/RL’s
Uzbek Service, Uzbek Justice Ministry Registers Prisoners’ Rights Group, U.S. – Based NGO, RFE/RL, March 2020,
https://www.rferl.org/a/uzbek-justice-ministry-registers-prisoners-rights-group-u-s--based-ngo/30484147.html
Spotlight on Uzbekistan
31
organisation Chiroq being rejected multiple times in 2020, most recently in April.
141
A new NGO code
is being drafted, and clearly needs to be expedited, but there needs to be a must political steer from
the highest level to end the bureaucratic roadblocks to registration, something that can be done
even on the basis of the current legal arrangements.
The April 2020 announcement of the new public chamber comprising a mix of NGO representatives
as a formal consultative body between the Government and Civil Society. If its members are drawn
solely from the ranks of QUANGOs and other GONGOs it will lack credibility, both in Uzbekistan and
to the international community. This initiative should be used a springboard to open up NGO
registration and to enable independent voices to be heard at the highest level.
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