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J
 M
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The subject of this narrative, James Madison, was born at King George,
Virginia, March 16th, 1751. His father was a planter, descended from John
Madison, an Englishman who settled in Virginia about the year 1656. The
maiden name of his mother was Eleanor Conway. He was the eldest of
seven children. He received a fairly good education but better still, he
applied himself very closely at college, so much so as to make him noted in
this respect; the result was seen in after years.
In 1772 he returned to Virginia and commenced a course of legal study.
He particularly studied up on public affairs, and in the spring of 1776 he
was elected a member of the Virginia convention from the county of
Orange, and procured the passage of the substance of an amendment to the
declaration of rights, by George Mason, which struck out the old term
'toleration' and inserted a broader exposition of religious rights. In the same
year he was a member of the general assembly, but lost his election in 1777,
from his refusal to treat the voters, and the general want of confidence in his
powers of oratory. Thus, it is seen, that as James Madison's natural abilities
could not have been very marked, his success was the natural result of
.
The legislature, however, on meeting in November of the same year,
elected him a member of the council of the State; and in the winter of 1779
he was chosen by the assembly a delegate to congress. He took his seat in
March, 1780, and remained in that body for three years. He strongly
opposed the issue of paper money by the States, and was in favor of a
formal recommendation on the part of congress against the continuance of
the system. As chairman of the committee to prepare instructions to the
ministers at Versailles and Madrid, in support of the claims of the
confederacy to western territory and the free navigation of the Mississippi,
he drew an elaborate and able paper which was unanimously adopted by
congress. He zealously advocated in 1783 the measure proposed to establish

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a system of general revenue to pay the expenses of the war, and as chairman
of the committee to which the matter was referred, prepared an able address
to the State in support of the plan, which was adopted by congress and
received the warm approval of Washington.
The people of Virginia now began to realize the value of his services; a
striking proof of which is exhibited by the fact that the law rendering him
inelligible after three years' service in Congress was repealed, in order that
he might sit during the fourth. On his return to Virginia he was elected to
the Legislature, and took his seat during 1784. In this body he inaugurated
the measures relating to a thorough revision of the old statutes, and
supported the bills introduced by the revisors, Jefferson, Wyth, and
Pendleton, on the subject of entails, primogeniture (exclusive heirship
belonging to the first born) and religious freedom.
He aided in the separation of Kentucky from Virginia, and the formation
of the new State, opposed the further issue of paper money, and favored the
payment of debts due British creditors. His greatest service at this time was
his preparation, after the close of the assembly, of a "Memorial and
Remonstrance" against the project of a general assessment for the support
of religion, which caused the utter defeat of the measure, against which it
was directed. In January, 1786, he obtained the passage of a bill by the
General Assembly inviting the other States to appoint commissioners to
meet at Annapolis and devise a new system of commercial regulations. He
was chosen one of the commissioners, and attended at Annapolis in
September of the same year. Five States only were represented, and the
commissioners recommended a convention of delegates from all the States
to meet at Philadelphia, in May, 1787. The recommendation was generally
adopted and, of course, Madison was chosen one of the delegates from
Virginia.
The convention assembled and the result was the abrogation of the old
articles and the formation of the Constitution of the United States. Madison
was prominent in advocating the Constitution and took a leading part in the
debates, of which he kept private notes, since published by order of
congress. His views of a federal government are set forth at length in a
paper still extant in the hand-writing of Washington, which contains the

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substance of a letter written to Washington by Madison before the meeting
of the convention, proposing a scheme of thorough centralization. The
writer declares that he is equally opposed to 'the individual independence of
the States,' and to 'the consolidation of the whole into one simple republic.'
He is nevertheless in favor to invest in congress the power to exercise 'a
negative in all cases whatever on the legislative acts of the States, as
heretofore exercised by the kingly prerogative.' He says further 'that the
right of coercion should be expressly declared; but the difficulty and
awkwardness of operating by force on the collective will of a State, render
it particularly desirable that the necessity of it should be precluded.' From
these extreme views Madison conscientiously departed, but in the
convention he supported them with zeal and vigor.
The scheme known as the 'Virginia Plan' was adopted instead, and the
convention adjourned. The subsequent adoption of the Constitution was in a
large measure due to a series of essays, now familiar in their collected form
as "The Federalist." They were commenced in a New York newspaper soon
after the adjournment of the Convention, and continued to appear until
June, 1788. The public journals everywhere republished them, and it was
soon known that they were the work of Hamilton, Madison, and Jay. The
volume remains the forcible exposition upon the side which it espoused.
The whole ground is surveyed, generally and in detail; the various points at
issue are discussed with the utmost acuteness, and the advantages of the
adoption of the instrument urged with logical force and eloquence which
place "The Federalist" beside the most famous political writings of the old
English worthies.
The Virginia convention, of which Madison was a member, assembled in
June. He had completely overcome his natural diffidence and, although
deficient as an orator, exerted a powerful influence over his associates,
contributing as much to the final triumph of the constitution as any one in
the body. The instrument was adopted by a vote of eighty-nine to seventy-
nine and the convention closed. The part which he had taken in its
deliberations very greatly increased Madison's reputation; and he was
brought forward as a candidate for United States Senator but was defeated.

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He was, however, chosen a member of congress and took his seat in that
body in 1789.
Alexander Hamilton was at the head of the treasury department and
Madison was obliged either to support the great series of financial measures
initiated by the secretary, or distinctly abandon his former associate and
range himself on the side of the republican opposition. He adopted the latter
course. Although he had warmly espoused the adoption of the constitution,
he was now convinced of the necessity of a strict construction of the powers
which it conferred upon the general government. He accordingly opposed
the funding bill, the national bank, and Hamilton's system of finance
generally.
His affection for Washington, and long friendship for Hamilton, rendered
such a step peculiarly disagreeable to a man of Madison's amiable and
kindly disposition, but the tone of his opposition did not alienate his friends.
Occupying, as he did, the middle ground between the violent partisans on
both sides he labored to reconcile the antagonism of the two parties, and
always retained the same cordial regard for Washington.
On Jefferson's return from France, Madison was solicited to accept the
mission and it was kept open for twelve months awaiting his decision. He
declined the place, as he afterwards did the position of Secretary of State on
the retirement of Jefferson, from a firm conviction that the radical
antagonism of views between himself and a majority of the members of the
cabinet would render his acceptance of either office fruitful in
misunderstandings and collisions.
He remained in congress, becoming thoroughly identified with the
Republicans, and soon became the avowed leader in congress. In 1794 he
gave his full support to its foreign policy by moving a series of resolutions,
based upon the report of Jefferson, advocating a retaliatory policy toward
Great Britain, and commercial discriminations in favor of France. These
resolutions he supported in a speech of great ability. In March, 1797, his
term expired, and he returned to Virginia.

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The insulting treatment of the American envoys to France and the war
message of President Adams were about to be followed by the passage of
the alien and sedition laws. The Republicans vainly tried to stem the
popular current in favor of the measures of the administration. The passing
of the alien and sedition laws in July, 1798, gave them the first opportunity
to make a stand. Opposition to even these violent measures was however
ineffectual in the Federal legislature; and the Republican leaders determined
to resort to the State arenas for the decisive struggle.
It commenced in Kentucky, and resulted there in the adoption of a series
of resolutions, which were followed, in December, 1798, by similar
resolves of the Virginia Assembly. The latter, now known as "the
resolutions of 1798-'9," were drawn up by James Madison, not then a
member. They declared the determination of the Assembly to defend the
Constitution of the United States, but to resist all attempts to enlarge the
authority of the federal compact by forced constructions of general clauses,
as tending to consolidation, the destruction of the liberties of the States, and
finally to a monarchy.
In case of a "deliberate, palpable, and dangerous" exercise of powers not
clearly granted to the General Government, the States had a right to
interpose; and as the passing of the alien and sedition laws was such an
infraction of right, the assembly protested against those laws. The seventh
resolution called upon the other States to join with the State of Virginia 'in
declaring, as it does hereby declare, that the acts aforesaid are
unconstitutional, and that the necessary and proper measures will be taken
by each for co-operating with this State in maintaining unimpaired the
authorities, rights and liberties reserved to the States respectively, or to the
people.'
The resolutions passed the House by a vote of 100 to 63, and were duly
communicated to the several States of the Union. They met with little favor,
especially in the Northern States. Massachusetts and New England
generally remonstrated against them, and declared the obnoxious laws both
constitutional and expedient. This drew forth, in the winter of 1799-1800,
Madison's "Report" in defence of his resolutions. This elaborate paper
subjected the resolves to an exhaustive analysis and defended them with

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masterly vigor. It is the most famous of his political writings and will rank
with the greatest state papers written in America.
Although the resolutions met with an unfavorable reception throughout
the States, they exerted a powerful influence on public opinion. Virginia
had shown how deeply in earnest she was by directing the establishment of
two arsenals, and an armory sufficiently large to store 10,000 muskets and
other arms; but a wholesome change in the sentiment of the country happily
restored good feeling and softened down all bitterness.
The alien and sedition laws found few supporters ultimately, and
Madison's views were fully vindicated. The revulsion against the Federal