Ministry of higher and secondary specialized education of the republic of uzbekistan nationaluniversity of uzbekistan named after mirzo ulugbek faculty of english philology department of English language and Literary studies

CHAPTER III. AN ANALYSIS OF THE TYPES OF ENGLISH PRONUNCIATION IN ENGLISH-SPEAKING COUNTRIES
3.1. Types of English pronunciation in English-speaking countries
English is the national language not only of Britain but also of the majority of the population in the United States, Australia, New Zealand and Canada. Each of these peoples has its own orthoepic norm, which includes the long sides of regional types and a large number of dialects. Although these national languages have distinctive features that distinguish them from British English and from each other, they have much in common. That is why they are variants of the same language, English. American English, a variant of English, has developed distinctive features in vocabulary, grammatical structure, and pronunciation. There are three main types of AE pronunciation: Eastern, South, and Common American type. The development of American English on the American continent has a comparatively short history. The conditions under which it developed were peculiar and quite unlike those under which the English language developed in Great Britain.
It is generally assumed that American English, in its spoken form, is essentially Southern English Standard of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as modified locally in the course of the last century or two. The linguistic evidence for a historical connection between American speech of the North and West and that of Northern England on the one hand, and between the speech of the South of England on the other hand, is well supported by the history of American colonization, of the Westward movement, and of later immigration.
Though the details are complex and obscure, it is known that early settlers of New England and most of the central Atlantic coast were largely populated by people of the Southern and Eastern part of England. Those who settled Pennsylvania and Southern New Jersey came from the north of England. During the first half of the eighteenth century a large group of Germans came to America and settled throughout Pennsylvania (they are known as the Pennsylvania Dutch). A group of Welsh immigrants also settled in an area just west of Philadelphia. These settlements were supplemented by the arrival of the scotch and Scotch-Irish whose speech was similar to that of the North of England.
Thus, differences in American speech represented differences in British speech from the outset. Later settlers also reflected later usage in the British Isles. During the centuries in which the migrations were moving to the west of the country, the original settlements maintained a contact with Britain which the western settlers lost. Cities of the East coast long maintained their contact with London, and the Southern gentry continued to go to England for their education. Ships which arrived in Boston and other eastern cities brought new fashions in speech from across the Atlantic. These new fashions in speech rarely reached the west. The foundations of most of diversities in American pronunciation were thus laid during the colonial period. Some of the present differences in American pronunciation are attributed to that period as well. American English pronunciation (AE) of today is by no means homogenous. Variations in AE are treated by many linguists, including Russian linguists, in terms of regional standards¹².
The G.A. is a Kwa language spoken in Ghana, in and around the capital Accra. The G.A. is type of pronunciation is considered to be the standard pronunciation of American English. It is used by the majority of Americans, and is, therefore, less regional; where as the other two types of pronunciation are easily detected as either Eastern or Southern. G. A. is used by radio and TV in the USA.
The peculiarities of GA lie in the pronunciation of sounds, differences in the accentual structure of words, and intonation.
Peculiarities of the pronunciation of GA sounds as compared to RP sounds are as follows:
/r/ in GA is retroflexive, the tip of the tongue is curled back;
/t/ between a vowel and a sonorant, or between two vowels the second of which is unstressed, is vocalized: it is a short voiced /t/. But the distinction between /t/ and /d/ is not neutralized. American easily distinguish the words in such minimal pairs as “writer-rider”.
E.g. “better, pity, battle, twenty” (Exception: “return”).
(c) /l/ is always dark, even before vowels (e.g. “film, look, like”);
(d) /ʃ/ is vocalized in words like “excursion” /ʒn/, “version” /ʒn/, “Persia” /ʒ/;
(e) /d/ is omitted after /l/ and /n/ (e. g. “ cold, old, sold, individual”);
(f) /k/ is omitted before /t/ (e. g. “asked” /æst /);
(g) /j/ is omitted before /u/ (e.g. “duty” /du:ti/, “student” /`studnt/ , “tutor” /tu:tə/, “new”/nu:/);
(h) /hw/ is used in words spelt with “wh” (e. g. “which, why, while, whine, wheel”);
(i) the use of the glottal stop /’/ instead of /t/ before /m, n, l, r, j, w/; (e.g. “certainly” / `sɜ:’nll/, “that one” /ðæt’wən/
(j) GA vowels are not differentiated by their length. D. Jones notes that all American vowels are long.
(k) /æ/ is used instead of /ɑ: (“path, grass, staff, laugh, can’t, last, pass, ask, half”) EXCEPTIONS: father, palm, balm, alms, March, part”);
(l) /æ/ in GA is wider and longer than /æ/ in RP, the Americans pronounce it with a twang (“ma”’, “can”);
(m) AE vowels are nasalized in all positions.
(n) In AE /ou/ is much less diphthongal than in RP. It may be represented as /o:/ or /o/.
G.P. Krapp writes: “In the British speech a great variety of diphthongal shadings occur, some of them are familiar in the exaggerated representations of Englishmen and their speech on the American stage”.
2) Peculiarities in the accentual structure of words in GA as compared to RP.
American speakers make much greater used of secondary stress in polysyllabic words than British speakers do. In words ending in “-ary, -ory, -ery, -mony, -ative” the syllable containing the but last vowel bears tertiary stress (i.e. stress is somewhat weaker than secondary stress).
E.g. ˈdictioˌnary, ˈterriˌtory, ˈmilliˌnery, ˈcereˌmony, comˈmuniˌcative.
(3) Peculiarities of GA intonation.
The most frequent intonation contour for statements and requests in GA is the tune, beginning low, rising to a high level, and the steadily falling.
You better do it . or You better do it.
The same type of falling intonation contour characterizes the so-called General Questions in GA.
Did he ask you to do it?
“Rising” tunes that rise from a low pitch level and end on a high pitch level occur with some General Questions, especially in situations where a very polite form is desirable.
e.g. Do you know him?
Will you be ready at seven?
Such intonation contours used in GA unemphatic questions are generally perceived by RP speakers in Britain as implying surprise or disappointment. On the other hand, the RP General Questions (pronounced with a Descending Scale ending with a Rise) are considered by the American to sound pretentious.
Though the so-called Special Questions are pronounced with a falling tone in both RP and GA, the difference lies in the pronunciation of the Scale. If in RP it is usually the Descending Scale (e.g. ˈWhy ˈhaven’t you `told me aˌbout it?), in GA the whole utterance is generally pronounced on a level tone.

e.g. Why haven’t you told me about it? or

Why haven’t you told me about it?

Such questions sound dispassionate and disrespectful to an RP speaker.

The RP Special Question pronounced with a rising tone (polite question) are perceived by the Americans as questions implying curiosity. To end a sentence with a high-pitched fall-rise (which differs from the RP fall-rise) is another frequent intonational characteristic in GA.
e.g. Can you do it? We ˌcertainly ˅can.
We ˌhappened to be ˅passing by.
On account of the fact that the features which distinguish AE from the British English are numerous, some linguists claim that AE can no more be considered a variant of the English language. H. L. Mencken, for instance, wrote that “the American form of the English language was plainly departing from the parent stem, and it seemed at least likely that the differences between American and English would go on increasing”.
But most of the linguists express the opposite point of view. Prof. Shveitser, a Russian linguist who has made a thorough study of AE, has proved that the distinctions between AE and BE do not affect the inventory of the main language units which are common to both variants of the English language: AE and BE.