Маъсул муҳаррир: Филология фанлари доктори, профессор: Г. Х. Боқиева Тақризчилар



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Bog'liq
A History of the English Language

Indo-European languages



Numeral

Sanskrit

Slavonic

Greek

Latin

German
(Gothic)

2
3
4
10
100

Dvau
Trayas
Catvaras
Dasa
Satam

D(u)va
Tri
Cetyre
Desatь
Sъto

Dyo
Treis
Tettares
Deka
He-katon

Duo
Tres
Quattuor
December Centum

Twai
Threis
Fidwor
Taihun
Hund

We can be certain that words similar in form are cog­nates if they express material phenomena Like "night", "star", "snow", "wind", "thunder": animals like "hound", "goat", "ox", "steer"; parts of a house like "door", "timber"; parts of the human body like "ear", "tooth", "heart", "foot"; and most significant of all, words which express family rela­tionships like "father", "mother", brother" and "sister", The following chart illustrates this:





Modern English

Sanskrit

Slavonic

Greek

Latin

German
(Gothic)

Father
Mother brother
daughter

Pitar
Matar
Bhratar
Duhitar

-
mati
bray(r)ъ
dъshti

Pater
Meter
Phrator
Thygater

Pater
Mater
Frater
-

Fadar
Modar
Brother
dauhtar

But mere coincidences of related words are not enough to prove their close kinship. Jones pointed outlast long ago as 1786 that grammatical forms had to be taken into consid­eration because only resemblances in the grammatical forms and the meaning expressed by them are absolutely reliable. If the same grammatical meanings are expressed in the same grammatical forms in the compared languages, we can be sure of their close relationship. Take, for instance, the verb "to take" in related languages, in the form "they take":





Sanskrit__Greek'>Russian

Old Slavonic

Sanskrit

Greek

Latin

Gothic

berut

berot

bharanti

pheronti

ferunt

bairand

This example shows that the endings -ut, -Qt, -anti, -on­ti, -unt, -and are equivalent and come from the same source.


The importance of grammatical criteria is that words can be borrowed, but grammatical forms cannot.
As far as the meaning of the reconstructed words is con­cerned, they need not coincide exactly; they can diverge ac­cording to the laws of polysemy, as the following example shows:



Sanskrit

Kravis

Russian

Krov’

Greek

Kreas

Old High German

Hreo

Latin

Cruor

Anglo-Saxon

Hra

Lithuanian

Kraujas

English

raw

Old Slavonic

Krьvь







On the basis of these forms, it can be assumed that in the Indo-European parent language there was a root *"kreu" which could assume different, though related, meanings ht all these languages: "blood" in Russian, "meat" in Greek, "raw" in English.


Correct reconstruction helps us to understand the real etymology of words. We can confidently reconstruct the words in the parent language for "brother" and "sister" as *bhrii­ter and *s{jeso(r). In the former, the first element bhrii-was a gradational variant of the verbal root *bher-"to bear", "to carry". The second morpheme was, of course, the same -ter as in *pa-ter. In *s{je-sor the first component was the reflexive element meaning "one's own", and the second signified "female", seen also in Latin uxor or uksor "wife".
These short excursions into etymology should be enough to show the fascination of this research.
Engels appreciated the importance of the comparative method in the study of languages. He showed that "substance and form of one's own language, however, only became intelligible when their origin and gradual evolution are traced, and this cannot be done without taking into account, first, their own extinct forms, and secondly, allied languages, both living and dead."
This important statement is of great significance for a proper understanding of the essence of the comparative me­thod in linguistics. This method has been justified by discov­eries made in the 19th century. On the basis of the compa­rative method it was suggested that the Latin nouns ager "tillage", and sacer "sacred" originated from the reconstructed forms *agros and *sakros. In 1899 a document was found in Rome dating from the 6th century A. D. in which the suggested form sakros was found.
Some original forms calculated by eminent linguists in the 19th century by comparative method were discovered in the Hittite language in the north east of Asia Minor at Boghazkoy on the site of the prehistoric capital Hattusas, about eighty miles east of Ankara. Some cuneiform tablets in the Hittite language, discovered in Boghazkoy in Asia Minor, were translated by the Czechoslovak scholar Bedrich Hrozny in December, 1915, who proved its linguistic affin­ity with Indo-European. A revolution was also affected in early Greek studies by the discovery in 1939 of clay tablets at Pylos in Messenia which were deciphered by Michael Ventris in 1952. This meant putting back the beginning of recorded Greek to a time long before Homer, perhaps as early as 1500 B. C.
It was suggested long ago with the help of the compa­rative method that the Greek words aichme "spear" and ar­toko6pos "baker" arose from the forms *aiksmii and *arto­pokwos. This was confirmed by the recently deciphered Kri­to-Micenian inscriptions.
The comparative method has been thoroughly applied to the reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European, Proto-Romance, Proto-Germanic, Proto-Celtic, and Proto-Slavonic. Rather Less thorough use of the method has been made in recon­structing Proto-Semitic, Proto-Finno-Ugric, and Proto-Ban­tu. Work is well under way on the Malayo-Polynesian lan­guages, Algonquian, and several other groups.
As we have stated, the comparison of languages which are believed to have been dialects of one language in the past, is done by what is known as the comparative method.
There is, however, another method of reconstructing the previous stages of a language when neither older texts nor related languages are known. A suitable term for this method is internal reconstruction, the theoretical foundation of which lies partly in synchronic, partly in diachronic linguistics. Synchronic linguistics (from the Greek syn "with" and chro­nos "time", IE. simultaneity) deals with the study of lan­guage at the present moment, while diachronic linguistics (from the Greek dia "through" and chronos "time", IE. of contin­uous time) concerns the study of language in its historical development.
In the last decade the method of glottochronology has sprung up, better known as the Lexicostatistic method, which envisages the measurement of linguistic change, particularly of the ages of language families without documented histo­ries.
The basic premise of glottochronology is the fact that the basic vocabulary of human language tends to be replaced at a constant rate throughout its development. This ap­proach is based on the principle stated by E. Sapir who said that the greater the degree of linguistic differentiation with­in the group, the greater was the period of time that must be assumed for the development of such differentiation.
If we could measure the degree of differentiation of two related languages, this would show the relative Length of time that they had been diverging from their common an­cestor: it would be glottochronology (from Greek glotta "lan­guage" and chronos "time").
The glottochronological method involves three principle variables: the rate of retention, the period of time and the proportion of coinciding test list equivalents in two lan­guages that are related.
The formula for finding the rate of retention is t=log c ÷ log r in which t=the period of time between two stages of a lan­guage, c=the proportion of common forms, and r=the rate of retention. With this formula, it was found that the rate of retention is approximately 80 per cent per thousand years.
Glottochronology is the study of the rate of change in language, and the use of the rate for historical inference, especially for the estimation of the age of a language and its use to provide a pattern of internal relationships within a language family.
In principle, glottochronology should be applied only af­ter the comparative method has prepared the ground, and it is of use mainly for languages with long historical stages of more than a thousand years.
Even in ideal conditions, glottochronological dates pro­vide only a rough estimate of the most probable date when the related languages diverged.
Practically, different investigators give different data for the divergence dates of linguistic families. M. Swadesh, an American linguist who supports this method passionately, gives, for example, a time depth of 46 centuries since the minimum divergence between Aleut and south-west Greenlandic, considering this a unit of the fullest diverg­ence in the family.
The exact calculation depends on many factors, such as, for example, differences in the judgment of cognates, differ­ences in the material selected from within a family, etc.
Thus the divergence times revealed by the glottochrono­logical method are not all accepted, since the use of this method has not been generally recognized. Beyond this, we may consider comparable those divergence times in which we have a good deal of confidence, and our degree of con­fidence must depend upon the circumstances. We can be more confident in divergence times that are confirmed by evidence from other sources. Swedish was quite right when he wrote: "Lexicostatistical data must be coupled with other evidence, including that of archaeology, comparative ethnography, and linguistic paleontology. The separate lines of study serve to verify or correct one another and to fill in details of the story."
Many linguists attack glottochronology for basing it­self on the false premise that, when languages begin to di­verge, the separation is sharp and complete.
Besides, it is doubtful whether the vocabulary of one language family changes at the same rate as that of another. What has been established for Indo-European languages can­not necessary be applied to other families? Then again, one should bear in mind that the test list of words taken for statistical calculation includes items of vocabulary which have been subject to various cultural influences.
We must be very careful in the application of mathemat­ical techniques to the measurement of linguistic change. Some of them must be abandoned as groundless.
Only the comparative method that emerged at the be­ginning of the 19th century, now coupled with other methods which, taken together, help to penetrate deeper into the pre­historic past of the Indo-European languages, can be con­sidered a really sound approach to the understanding of the history of language.



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